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How States Use the National Standards for CYSHCN in their Health Care Systems
/in Policy Charts, Featured News Home, Maps Care Coordination, Children/Youth with Special Health Care Needs, Children/Youth with Special Health Care Needs, Chronic and Complex Populations, Cost, Payment, and Delivery Reform, Integrated Care for Children, Maternal, Child, and Adolescent Health, Medicaid Managed Care, Medicaid Managed Care, Medicaid Managed Care, Medicaid Managed Care, Population Health, Quality and Measurement, Quality and Measurement /by NASHP StaffRecent State Action on Medicaid Expansion, Work Requirements, and Block Grants
/in Policy Georgia, Idaho, Kentucky, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New Mexico, North Carolina, South Dakota, Utah, Virginia Blogs, Featured News Home Eligibility and Enrollment, Health Coverage and Access, Medicaid Expansion, Work Requirements /by Anita CardwellThis year, many states have continued to pursue federal approval for a range of proposals affecting Medicaid coverage, such as seeking modifications to the Affordable Care Act’s (ACA) Medicaid expansion or adding Medicaid work requirements.
Currently, nine states have implemented expansion through Section 1115 waivers to impose conditions such as monthly premiums, lock-out provisions for non-payment, and work requirements on certain Medicaid enrollees. While some Medicaid waivers approved by the federal government that include work requirements have faced legal challenges, other states — including those that have not implemented Medicaid expansion — are continuing to seek federal approval to condition Medicaid eligibility on work, with nine additional proposals currently pending.
The following is an overview of some of the current state Medicaid coverage waiver activity and other state actions affecting health coverage, including Tennessee’s recent block grant proposal.
State Changes to Medicaid Expansion Passed by Ballot Initiatives
Earlier this year, Idaho’s governor signed into law a number of changes to the Medicaid expansion ballot measure approved by voters in November 2018. One component of the law required the state to seek a 1332 waiver to enroll individuals eligible for expanded Medicaid who had income between 100 to 138 percent of the federal poverty level (FPL) in subsidized exchange coverage, although these individuals could opt for Medicaid coverage instead. However, in late August the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) rejected the state’s waiver request, citing that it did not meet the deficit neutrality guardrails required of 1332 waivers. State officials have indicated that they will resubmit the application with additional information, although CMS noted in its letter that even a revised application would likely still not demonstrate compliance with those guardrails. Another aspect of Idaho’s law modifying the voter-approved Medicaid expansion directs the state to seek a waiver to implement Medicaid work requirements for most expansion enrollees, and the state recently submitted this 1115 waiver request for federal approval. If the waivers are not approved by Jan. 1, 2020, the state law requires implementation of traditional Medicaid expansion.
Similar to Idaho, voters in Utah passed a measure last November to implement Medicaid expansion, and in February state legislators enacted a law that significantly alters the voter-approved expansion in a number of ways. The law requires the state to seek a series of waivers, outlined in the state’s implementation toolkit, through a potentially four-step process, depending on what CMS approves. In March, CMS approved the state’s first request — the Bridge Plan — to expand Medicaid to only those earning 100 percent of FPL at the state’s regular federal medical assistance percentage (FMAP) rate, include an enrollment cap if projected costs exceed state appropriations, require individuals with access to employer-sponsored insurance (ESI) to enroll in that coverage with Medicaid premium assistance, and add work requirements in 2020. In May, the state submitted the second waiver proposal for the enhanced FMAP that the ACA provides for the expansion population while keeping the expansion eligibility level at 100 percent FPL, but CMS indicated that it would not provide the enhanced FMAP for a partial expansion. This second proposal also maintains the enrollment cap, work requirements, and ESI premium assistance from the initial waiver, adds in 12-month continuous eligibility and lock-out provisions for non-compliance with certain activities, and notably requests to implement a per capita cap model for receiving federal Medicaid funds for the new eligibility group. Although CMS did not approve the enhanced FMAP for the partial Medicaid expansion, the governor issued a statement that the state would move forward with requesting approval of the other proposal components, and the state submitted the waiver request in late July. If CMS does not approve this per capita cap proposal, the state plans to request permission to implement a “fallback” plan — the third step in the state’s implementation plan — that expands Medicaid to the ACA’s 138 percent of FPL eligibility threshold and provides the state with the enhanced expansion FMAP, and includes work requirements, an enrollment cap, and lock-out provisions. The final option – if this third plan is not approved – is implementing traditional Medicaid expansion through a state plan amendment, as was passed by the voters.
Nebraska was the third state in 2018 to pass Medicaid expansion through a ballot initiative, and while state legislators there did not follow the same route as Idaho and Utah, expansion in Nebraska has not yet occurred because the state intends to seek modifications to the expansion. State officials submitted a state plan amendment for expansion this past April, indicating the state would seek a waiver to modify its existing managed care program to include the expansion population and provide different benefit packages based on whether enrollees complete certain wellness requirements. Expansion will occur no later than Oct. 1, 2020, and the plan eventually will also incorporate work requirements for eligible individuals wishing to remain in the “prime” coverage option, which offers more robust benefits such as dental and vision services.
Activity in Medicaid Expansion States
Montana originally implemented Medicaid expansion through a waiver because the state requires certain individuals to pay premiums. The expansion was scheduled to sunset in July of this year, but in April the legislature passed a bill, signed by the governor in May, to continue expansion that added work requirements for most enrollees. The state’s waiver amendment also seeks to maintain the original waiver’s implementation of 12-month continuous eligibility and modify the monthly premium structure to be based on the amount of time an individual is enrolled. The federal comment period for the waiver amendment recently closed.
In Virginia, Democratic Gov. Ralph Northam and Republican state legislators negotiated a compromise to expand Medicaid with work requirements in 2018. Coverage became effective in January of this year, but the work requirements were not implemented as the state needed to seek federal permission through a waiver. The state is now negotiating to receive federal funding for employment supports, as Northam’s administration has indicated that the state cannot afford to implement the work requirements without these federal dollars. Some Republican state legislators are characterizing the request for this federal funding as an effort to backtrack on the compromise struck last year between them and the governor.
While New Mexico originally implemented the ACA’s traditional Medicaid expansion, the state sought and received approval in December 2018 to add premium and copayment requirements and waive retroactive eligibility for certain expansion enrollees. However, under Gov. Lujan Grisham, the state is now requesting to amend the waiver and remove the copayments, premiums, and waiver of retroactive eligibility.
Activity in Non-Medicaid Expansion States
Like last year, voters in some nonexpansion states will have the chance to consider expansion in 2020. Groups in Oklahoma indicated that they have gathered enough signatures to put expansion before voters in 2020. Medicaid expansion proponents in other states — specifically Missouri and South Dakota — are also attempting to place the issue before voters in 2020. Additionally, in Mississippi’s upcoming gubernatorial election in November, voters will decide between a Republican who opposes expansion and a Democratic who supports it.
North Carolina’s Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper vetoed the state budget in June in part because it did not include Medicaid expansion. However, in mid-September state legislators in the House voted to override the governor’s veto. While the Senate still needs to hold a vote on the veto override, a bill to expand Medicaid with work requirements and premiums has been added back to the legislative calendar.
Georgia is currently drafting two waiver proposals as part of a law signed by the governor in March. The state is expected to submit an 1115 waiver proposal to expand Medicaid to only those earning 100 percent of FPL, as well as seek federal approval through a 1332 waiver to implement a reinsurance program.
Beyond continuing efforts to expand Medicaid or modify laws to do so, block grants have surfaced again. Tennessee has developed a draft proposal to shift federal funding for most of the state’s Medicaid program into a version of a block grant, which would be a significant change and is based on a state law passed earlier this year. Under the plan, the state would receive a capped amount of federal Medicaid funding for low-income parents, children, and individuals with disabilities. Unlike a traditional block grant — which the state acknowledges its plan differs from — the state is requesting additional funding if enrollment rises above a certain threshold, but the funding amount would not be reduced if enrollment declined. Additionally, the funding cap does not include state spending on individuals dually eligible for Medicaid and Medicare, disproportionate share hospital (DSH) payments, outpatient prescription drug expenses, or administrative costs, and any savings achieved from the financing model would be divided evenly between the state and the federal government (the state’s current federal match rate is 65 percent). The state is also requesting additional flexibilities, such as modifying the amount, duration, and scope of benefits without federal approval or public comment and implementing a closed formulary for prescription drugs. The waiver request also proposes to exempt the state from federal regulations for managed care plans. Some policy analysts have identified that federal law does not allow Medicaid’s financing model to be restructured through the 1115 waiver authority, and if CMS does approve the waiver it is expected to face legal challenges. Tennessee also submitted a separate waiver request in December 2018 seeking to implement Medicaid work requirements for low-income parents and caretakers, which is still awaiting federal approval.
Legal Challenges to Medicaid Work Requirements
Medicaid waivers containing work requirements approved by CMS have been halted by court rulings earlier this year in Arkansas, Kentucky, and New Hampshire, and a legal challenge was recently filed against Indiana’s approved work requirements. Earlier this month, a three-judge panel heard oral arguments on the federal government’s appeal of the Arkansas and Kentucky rulings, and the judges noted that the administration had not considered the coverage losses resulting from work requirements. The ruling by this federal appeals court will have significant implications for Medicaid work requirements overall, and while they did not provide specific information about timing for the decision, it is expected before the end of the year. The court challenges are already beginning to have some implications — on Oct. 17, 2019, Arizona informed CMS that it would postpone implementation of the state’s approved Medicaid work requirements due to the litigation in other states. Additionally, a recent study conducted by the Government Accountability Office (GAO) recommended that CMS should improve its oversight of the administrative costs associated with work requirement waivers, which GAO found can be significant, ranging from under $10 million to over $250 million.
In addition to the next round of court decisions on Medicaid work requirements, states are waiting to see if federal guidance on Medicaid block granting will be issued soon — which is currently under review at the Office of Management and Budget. Similar to how states are seeking to implement Medicaid work requirements despite legal challenges, if CMS provides guidance and approves Tennessee’s block grant proposal, other states may also pursue this financing model, even if the block grant is challenged in court. Also, whether CMS and states that have been hesitant to expand will be able to find a middle ground on Medicaid expansion remains a question, and how decisions play out in Idaho and Utah in particular, will be significant for future actions. Similar to this past year, in 2020 states are expected to continue to seek new ways to test the boundaries of Medicaid coverage waivers and manage their Medicaid programs.
For more information about each state’s Medicaid expansion activity, explore NASHP’s map, and for up-to-date information about states’ Medicaid work requirement proposals, review this NASHP chart.
States Feature Strategies to Better Integrate Care for Dual-Eligible Beneficiaries
/in Policy Blogs, Featured News Home Care Coordination, Chronic and Complex Populations, Chronic Disease Prevention and Management, Cost, Payment, and Delivery Reform, Eligibility and Enrollment, Health Coverage and Access, Health System Costs, Long-Term Care, Maternal, Child, and Adolescent Health, Medicaid Managed Care, Medicaid Managed Care, Medicaid Managed Care, Medicaid Managed Care, Population Health, Quality and Measurement /by Kitty PuringtonDual Eligible Special Needs Plans (D-SNPs) enroll individuals who are entitled to both Medicare and medical assistance from a state Medicaid plan. States cover some Medicare costs, depending on the state and the individual’s eligibility.
Many states already leverage Dual Eligible Special Needs Plans (D-SNPs ) to better manage care for individuals enrolled in both Medicare and state Medicaid programs. Recent changes to federal regulation, stemming the Bipartisan Budget Act of 2018, are expected to make D-SNPs more attractive for states seeking to better integrate care for this population.
The National Academy for State Health Policy (NASHP), with support from The SCAN Foundation, convened state policymakers at its recent annual conference to explore these new opportunities, highlight Medicare/Medicaid integration efforts in leading states, and explore what internal state capacity is needed to successfully address the needs of dual-eligible beneficiaries across programs.
The session, Maximizing Medicare: New Opportunities to Support State Policy Goals, featured examples of successful D-SNP models in Minnesota and Arizona, and highlighted lessons learned from states, detailing what internal expertise is needed to support these programs.
Individuals covered by both Medicare and Medicaid present unique challenges for state policymakers. This population often has higher health care costs and poorer outcomes, including higher rates of chronic conditions and behavioral health diagnoses. For states, creating well-integrated and coordinated systems of care for this high-needs population can be hampered by the complex interplay of these two programs.
The Bipartisan Budget Act of 2018 permanently authorized D-SNPs, and final regulations require D-SNPs to coordinate Medicaid benefits for duals and assist them in navigating appeals. The new rule also requires D-SNPs – in some circumstances – to provide an integrated appeals process and discharge planning for some high-need members. All D-SNPs must meet certain minimum integration criteria by 2021.
Both Minnesota and Arizona have experienced improved integration of care for duals through use of D-SNPs. Both states leveraged the contracting requirements of the Medicare Improvements for Patients and Providers Act to align administration and improve consumer experience. Wisconsin has structured its program to provide a more integrated experience at every step, including one set of enrollment materials, aligned enrollment dates, and care coordination for primary, acute, and long-term care services. Arizona’s D-SNP plans must be contracted “companion” plans with the Arizona Health Care Cost Containment System (AHCCCS), the state’s Medicaid agency. This and other contract features help encourage member enrollment in the same health plan for both Medicare and Medicaid services.
What internal capacity is needed to make these programs work? Presenters offered the following key takeaways:
- Leadership is critical: Strong leadership is an important factor in providing more integrated care for duals. Leadership that understands the complexity of the population, and the need to mobilize specific resources and policies to address their unique issues and make long-term investment in these programs has been an ingredient for success in leading states.
- Build and nurture strong managed care organization (MCO) partnerships: Collaborative relationships with Medicaid MCOs are also central to integrating care across programs. To avoid misalignment, presenters suggested working with MCOs to review detailed descriptions of the services to be coordinated by D-SNPs, including behavioral health and long-term services and supports, and discussing enrollment, marketing, and appeals policies with them to identify and resolve issues.
- Engage stakeholders: Similarly, states found it helpful to regularly engage a range of stakeholders – providers, members, and advocates – to identify specific needs and areas of disconnect, and to allay consumer and provider concerns who may be impacted by policy changes.
- Focus on staff capacity and ongoing training: States emphasized the need to have subject matter expertise within a state Medicaid agency. One presenter noted, “integration is a process and not an event,” long-term capacity is necessary to be able to analyze and respond to the changing state and federal regulatory landscape on an ongoing basis. Having designated staff and facilitating clear lines of communication across offices within Medicaid with an “open door policy” can also help identify and troubleshoot issues. Important areas of expertise include accessing and using Medicare data, understanding covered services and payment, and familiarity with state policy options to better integrate care.
Presenters encouraged policymakers to make full use of available resources to help them better understand the policy issues and needs of dual eligibles. The federal Medicare-Medicaid Coordination Office (MMCO) was noted as an excellent resource. MMCO leaders recently released a State Medicaid Director Letter detailing how states can improve care for dually-eligible beneficiaries. Additionally, the Integrated Care Resource Center website also provides a host of state-specific materials and learning opportunities.
Additional information and copies of slide presentations from NASHP’s 2019 conference is available on this Conference Presentation page.
Massachusetts Takes a Next Step in Health Reform: Addressing Affordability through Value
/in Policy Massachusetts Blogs, Featured News Home Care Coordination, Chronic and Complex Populations, Chronic Disease Prevention and Management, Cost, Payment, and Delivery Reform, Essential Health Benefits, Health Coverage and Access, Health IT/Data, Health System Costs, Maternal, Child, and Adolescent Health, Medicaid Managed Care, Medicaid Managed Care, Medicaid Managed Care, Physical and Behavioral Health Integration, Population Health, Primary Care/Patient-Centered/Health Home, Quality and Measurement, Total Cost of Care Benchmark, Value-Based Purchasing /by Trish RileyStates are incrementalists – enacting laws, amending them, and building on their successes – and that strategy is clearly visible in Massachusetts Gov. Charlie Baker’s bold and comprehensive legislative proposal, An Act to Improve Health Care by Investing in VALUE, announced last week.
Baker’s proposal calls on payers and providers to increase expenditures on primary and behavioral health care by 30 percent systemwide over the next three years while complying with the state’s cost growth benchmarks, administered by the state’s Health Policy Commission. Baker said his proposal “will change the way the system looks, works and operates,” by prioritizing preventative care and early intervention and managing chronic conditions before patients require costly emergency department services.
The proposal includes initiatives to implement those expanded investments, including changes in workforce policies and scope of practice laws. At the same time, the governor proposes strengthening enforcement of cost-growth benchmarks by authorizing financial penalties on those who exceed them.
Additional proposals tackle affordability by:
- Prohibiting surprise billing for emergency and unplanned services and establishing an out-of-network default rate pegged at a percentage of Medicare and limiting the use of facility fees;
- Advancing insurance market reforms to improve access for small businesses and examining the impact of the state’s law that merges the individual and small group market; and
- Building on last year’s efforts to rein in drug prices. The proposal subjects manufacturers of certain high-cost drugs to Health Policy Commission review, requires those manufacturers to participate in cost trend hearings, expands oversight of pharmacy benefit managers, and most significantly, imposes a penalty on manufacturers that increases a drug’s price by more than 2 percent over the consumer price index in any year.
The proposed legislation includes provisions that address telemedicine, the health information exchange, and investments in safety net providers – including plans to stabilize distressed community hospitals and health centers.
Insurers would also be required to maintain accurate provider directories and be required to cover, with no additional costs, same-day behavioral health visits. Urgent care clinics would also be required to offer behavioral health services.
“For far too long, primary and behavioral health care has not been at the forefront of our health care system,” said Marylou Sudders, Massachusetts’ secretary of the Executive Office of Health and Human Services. “While we know that changing the narrative will take time, we are committed to engaging in a multi-year, multi-pronged approach to create a cohesive system of behavioral health care and strong primary care in the Commonwealth.”
The governor’s bill now heads to the state Legislature where debate is expected to be lively. The National Academy for State Health Policy (NASHP) will track and report on developments. To learn more about the plan, NASHP is planning to host a webinar with Sudders, who also sits on the Health Policy Commission board, soon.
California Enacts First State Law to Combat Pay-for-Delay Rx Deals
/in Policy California Blogs, Featured News Home Administrative Actions, Newly-Enacted Laws, Prescription Drug Pricing, State Rx Legislative Action /by Sarah LanfordLast week, California enacted the first-in-the-nation state law to combat pay-for-delay deals between brand-name and generic pharmaceutical drug manufacturers. In a pay-for-delay deal, a brand manufacturer pays a generic competitor to settle patent litigation and keep the lower-cost version of the drug off the market. Delaying market entry of generic drugs limits competition and can keep prices for brand-name drugs high.
The Federal Trade Commission estimates these deals cost consumers $3.5 billion in higher drug costs each year.
Under California’s new law, pay-for-delay agreements are presumed to have anticompetitive effects – unless a company can prove otherwise – if a generic manufacturer receives anything of value from a brand-name drug manufacturer that has sued for patent infringement. The law opens these agreements to civil litigation from California’s Attorney General, who can recover up to $20 million or three-times the value given to parties in the agreement, whichever is greater.
This isn’t the first action California has taken to push back against anticompetitive practices by pharmaceutical manufacturers. Earlier this year, the state reached a $70 million settlement with two manufacturers that allegedly entered into pay-for-delay agreements to delay market entry of cheaper generic drugs. Although a 2013 US Supreme Court case found that pay-for-delay settlements could violate antitrust laws, California’s presumption that these types of deals are anticompetitive gives the Attorney General a stronger platform to investigate and prosecute drug makers who enter into these agreements.
To explore all state legislation across the country to curb prescription drug costs, explore the National Academy for State Health Policy’s Legislative Tracker.
Q&A: How Maryland Uses Multiple Policy Levers to Improve Health Coverage, Affordability, and Access
/in Policy Maryland Blogs, Featured News Home Cost, Payment, and Delivery Reform, Eligibility and Enrollment, Essential Health Benefits, Health Coverage and Access, Health IT/Data, Health System Costs, Medicaid Expansion, State Insurance Marketplaces /by Christina CousartMaryland has a long history of enacting statewide health reforms and 2019 was no exception with the passage of several significant reforms, including the Maryland Easy Enrollment Health Insurance Program (MEEHP), which passed with bipartisan support and was signed by Gov. Larry Hogan in June. Maryland is also implementing a new value-based plan design for health insurance marketplace plans and is continuing the state’s reinsurance program. Collectively, these reforms are helping advance Maryland’s objectives to improve affordability and attain near universal coverage.
About Maryland’s Easy Enrollment Health Insurance Program
During tax filing season, the state income tax department will ask consumers if they want to learn if they qualify for free or low-cost health insurance. If consumers indicate positively, the consumers’ data is sent to the Maryland Health Connection to determine if they are eligible for Medicaid, the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP), or federal tax credits to purchase insurance through the marketplace. Uninsured individuals are granted a limited special enrollment period to enroll in coverage through the marketplace.
NASHP spoke with Michele Eberle, executive director of Maryland’s health insurance marketplace – Maryland Health Connection – to learn about the implementation of these programs, and how Maryland’s reforms are providing greater stability to its insurance market.
Maryland implemented a reinsurance program beginning in plan year 2019, why?
After the federal reinsurance program ended [after plan year 2016], premiums in the state’s individual market spiked. Maryland has only two insurance carriers in our individual market, and we worried there was a risk of either losing those carriers or pricing people out of coverage. We wanted to be aggressive in addressing the issue of affordability. We also recognized a unique opportunity in that Congress planned to delay implementation of the Health Insurance Tax [HIT – an annual fee assessed by the federal government on health insurers]. We argued that we would assess our insurers, in lieu of this fee to the federal government, and use the money to finance a reinsurance program. Our 2.75 percent assessment gave us nearly $365 million, combined with federal funding drawn from a 1332 waiver, we secured nearly $1 billion over a five-year period for a reinsurance program. [For more information read State Reinsurance Premiums Lower Premiums and Stabilize Markets.]
Our goal was to reduce premiums by 30 percent from what they would have been without the reinsurance program. And, for the first time in 20 years, we saw our premiums decrease in 2019 on average by 13 percent. The program has been so successful, the legislature this year agreed to maintain a 1 percent assessment on our insurers to finance the program even once the federal HIT is implemented [ plan year 2020].
What led Maryland to propose and enact the MEEHP?
This concept originally started as a traditional individual mandate [a requirement that all individuals purchase health insurance]. But there was mixed support for a mandate and operational challenges to implementing one in our state.
The policy is a testament to the work and commitment of our many stakeholders and legislature. Our goal is to achieve health care access for all, without people feeling that they are forced into a program. We also want to offer consumers affordable and value-based coverage. We developed MEEHP because it addresses these issues, which is a win-win for all.
How will the MEEHP work?
For the 2020 plan year, the marketplace will use data collected from state tax filings to complete a preliminary assessment of whether a person is eligible for Medicaid, CHIP, or a federal tax credit. The person will then be provided a list of resources to help them enroll in the coverage program for which they are eligible. In 2021, we plan to roll out an automatic enrollment feature (upon request) if the person qualifies for Medicaid or CHIP. If the person does not qualify for Medicaid or CHIP, they can enroll in marketplace coverage during a 35-day special enrollment period based on the date the marketplace received their information from the Office of the Comptroller )
At the marketplace, we are working very closely with the [state] Comptroller to implement this program, including transferring information between their department and our system. We now know the Comptroller’s office timelines and what they will need to have this ready for the upcoming tax season. Very early on, the marketplace and the Comptroller’s office began collaborating and that partnership is essential to ensuring we could meet fast-approaching deadlines.
Our current focus has primarily been on modifying our IT systems to operationalize the program. But we are also prioritizing working with stakeholders and other partners on how to message about the new program.
We are especially excited that this initiative gives us more robust information about Maryland’s uninsured population. It will help us target our outreach and inform our efforts to boost enrollment. We are trying to think of ways to make it easy for consumers to follow up and enroll in coverage.
How will Maryland’s new, value-based plans serve consumers?
As noted previously, the reinsurance program has led to a tremendous reduction in individual market premiums. However, while premiums have been going down, deductibles have been rising, leading to higher out-of-pocket health care spending by our consumers. We were concerned that consumers wouldn’t see the value of their coverage — if premiums and deductibles are too high, they will question whether it is worth purchasing coverage.
Under our value-based plan program, each carrier must offer at least one plan with a capped deductible for two metal levels in which it offers coverage ($1,000 for gold plans, $2,500 for silver). In addition, a bronze plan must cover at least three physician visits (primary care or specialists) prior to the deductible and the gold value plan must offer generic drugs before deductible.
We believe these requirements will help ensure that consumers can get value from their plans. Looking ahead, we will continue to refine our value-plan requirements. For example, we are looking at whether generic prescriptions should be covered pre-deductible, or with a separate deductible. We are also looking over how to improve coverage for diabetic populations.
What has been the key strategy to advancing these reforms so quickly in Maryland?
Maryland’s administration and legislature have a history of committing themselves to the improved health of Marylanders. For instance, even before passage of the Affordable Care Act, Maryland had enacted its own small group market reforms, including benefit requirements and a community rating standard. We are fortunate to have a lot of engagement from stakeholders and the administration on advancing further reforms.
Part of what drives innovation here is our global budget initiative, an all-payer model regulating hospital costs. The global budget underlies all our health systems and payers, so that anything that affects one part of our health care system reverberates throughout. The state does whatever it can to maintain this program, including actions to maintain our insurance markets, reduce our uninsured rate, and keep our uncompensated care costs down.
Which stakeholders have been especially helpful throughout your work?
Both of our health insurance carriers are always at the table and I appreciate the relationship we have built with them since establishment of the marketplace seven years ago. The marketplace and the carriers work together, proactively, to address concerns. We have a plan management stakeholder committee that includes all carriers and consumer advocates. They are one of the first groups we engage on any new initiative for the marketplace. We have discussions on how new policies will impact our insurers. I meet regularly with the CEOs of our health plans and discuss how we can work in partnership to affect overall health in our state. There were some challenges early on in our relationship, but the insurers have seen some benefits in working with us. For example, Kaiser Permanente’s market share has grown from 2 percent to 46 percent in our health insurance marketplace. Both of our insurers have seen significant growth overall.
We also have two groups that are focused specifically on consumer issues. What is important for us is to be as transparent and inclusive as possible. We know these issues effect populations statewide.
What advice would you offer to other states looking to enact similar reforms?
Establishing and building relationships with your stakeholders — consumer advocates, legislature, carrier community — is essential. It is important to approach reforms with a holistic view of what is going on with your markets and health systems. The insurance marketplace is one part of this wheel, but to really make changes on affordability and cost, we need everyone heading in the same direction. For example, I recognize the importance of our reinsurance program, but also acknowledge that other reforms will be necessary if we are going to have a long-term impact on health care costs.
State Policy Innovations to Support Family Caregivers
/in The RAISE Act Family Caregiver Resource and Dissemination Center Blogs, Featured News Home Chronic and Complex Populations, Cost, Payment, and Delivery Reform, Health System Costs, Long-Term Care, State Resources, The RAISE Family Caregiver Resource and Dissemination Center /by Eliza Mette and Kitty PuringtonAs the country ages, states recognize the importance of caregivers and are developing new initiatives to support and sustain their critical role in helping relatives, friends, and neighbors age in place. The recent passage of the Recognize, Assist, Include, Support, and Engage Family Caregivers (RAISE) Act, a federal strategy to support family caregivers, brings new attention to this policy issue.
Family caregivers are an essential but uncompensated component of the country’s health care system. They provide nearly $470 billion in unpaid services each year, reducing the need for home health services and delaying the use of costly nursing home care. Medicare does not cover long-term services and supports, and few individuals have private coverage for these services. As a result, state Medicaid programs cover six out of 10 of the country’s nursing home residents and spend $95 billion per year on a broad array of home- and community-based services. States rely heavily on caregivers and the critical supports they provide to millions of older adults and individuals with disabilities.
The National Academy for State Health Policy (NASHP), with support from The John A. Hartford Foundation, convened a state officials-only roundtable at its 2019 annual conference in August to explore this issue in-depth. Policymakers highlighted several state efforts to assist family caregivers and shared how their states have offered additional flexibility, support, and resources to address caregiver needs.
Leveraging State Resources
Minnesota uses state funding strategically to provide services to older adults who would likely require Medicaid-funded nursing home care without some level of support services. The state’s Essential Community Supports program is made available to individuals whose needs do not meet the state’s nursing home level of care benchmark, but who require some assistance to remain in their homes and communities. Based on individual assessments, recipients receive a coordinated set of services, which can include:
- A personal emergency response system;
- Homemaker services;
- Caregiver support and education;
- Home-delivered meals;
- Community living assistance; and
- Adult day services.
The program is part of Minnesota’s strategy to reach people early, provide less expensive services, and prevent or delay an individual’s need to spend down their assets in order to qualify for Medicaid.
Hawaii’s Kapuna Caregiver Program was reauthorized in 2018 and funded through appropriations of up to $1.5 million, or $210 per week per eligible participant. The program provides long-term services and supports, such as adult day care, transportation, chore services, respite care, and related supports to keep working caregivers employed. While not a means-tested program, the state conducts a holistic assessment of the caregiver and care recipient. Allocated dollars are provided directly to service agencies to minimize administrative oversight. Moving forward, state policymakers will continue to review the program’s sustainability. During its first year of implementation, most program funds went to providing adult day care. In the future, state policymakers would like to explore other ways to support family caregivers using these very limited resources.
Mitigating the Financial Burden
Washington State passed the first-in-the-nation Long-Term Care Trust Act mandatory payroll premium housed in a state trust fund finances long-term services and supports for everyone who pays in and is employed in the state. Qualifying individuals become eligible to receive benefits when they need assistance with three or more activities of daily living, which Washington State defines as bathing, bed mobility, dressing, eating, and other similar activities. The state pays certified, licensed long-term services and support providers to deliver care. Qualified family members can also be paid for services through these agencies.
The trust fund covers $36,500 (adjusted with inflation) in long-term care benefits per individual over the course of the beneficiary’s lifetime. Based on the state’s actuarial analysis, Washington policymakers expect this amount will cover most individuals’ long-term needs. Funds may be used for a variety of purposes, including:
- Paying professional aides;
- Training and reimbursing family caregivers; and
- Covering expenses of caregiving support, care coordination, respite, and similar supports.
Maximizing the Flexibility of Home- and Community-Based Services Waivers
Minnesota’s Elderly Waiver Program provides a range of supports for family caregivers, including respite, counseling and training, and the Family Memory Care model that offers coaching and other services to families taking care of an individual with dementia.
Washington’s 1115 waiver program supports a range of benefits designed to support caregivers so that individuals who need care can stay at home and in their communities. Its Medicaid Alternative Care program targets adults who may be eligible for Medicaid but are not currently accessing long-term support services, while its Tailored Supports for Older Adults program creates a new benefit for those at risk of needing Medicaid long-term care services in the future. Both programs offer information, training, and supports for caregivers, including respite options.
Investing in a Supportive Care Workforce
Several state officials highlighted the urgency of developing an adequate workforce to care for older adults, including the need to train and professionalize paid family caregivers. Under Washington’s Long-Term Care Trust Act, a “qualified family caregiver,” or a relative of an eligible care recipient who satisfies state law requirements for providers of long-term services and supports will be eligible to receive payment from the state for providing those services.
Given the central role states play as funders of long-term care, the development of a national strategy to support family caregivers creates opportunities for them, including policy strategies that can be implemented at the state level.
In the coming months, NASHP will be working closely with The John A. Hartford Foundation and the Administration for Community Living to launch the RAISE Family Caregiver Resource and Dissemination Center webpage. The webpage will serve as a national resource for state policymakers and other stakeholders interested in understanding the critical role of family caregivers and identifying policies and best practices to support them.
Legal Challenges to State Rx Laws
/in Policy Featured News Home, Toolkits Administrative Actions, Eligibility and Enrollment, Essential Health Benefits, Health Coverage and Access, Legal Resources, Prescription Drug Pricing, State Rx Legislative Action /by NASHP StaffNavigating Legal Challenges to State Efforts to Control Drug Prices: PBM Regulation, Price Gouging, and Price Transparency
Katherine L. Gudiksen, PhD, Samuel M. Chang, JD, and Jaime S. King, JD, PhD[1]
In the last several years, states have increasingly attempted to use legislative efforts to control drug prices. Trade groups representing the interests of the pharmaceutical industry, however, have challenged the constitutionality of many of these efforts. This issue brief analyzes the legal challenges brought against state laws to address rising drug prices and the legal theories on which these laws are often challenged. In Part I, we’ll review how a trade association has used the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (ERISA) to threaten state regulation of pharmacy benefit managers (PBMs) in four states and the District of Columbia. Part II analyzes Association for Accessible Medicines v. Frosh to explain how the Dormant Commerce Clause invalidated Maryland’s prohibition on price gouging or “unconscionable price increases” for drugs. Part III examines how legal challenges arising from federal patent and trade secret laws could hamper state efforts to further drug price transparency. Finally, in each part, using our analysis of key cases, we offer suggestions to states considering similar legislative actions to minimize the risk that courts will overturn them.
[1] The National Academy for State Healthy Policy’s Center for State Rx Drug Pricing, with support from the Laura and John Arnold Foundation, commissioned this analysis from experts affiliated with the University of California, San Francisco, and the University of California, Hastings’ Consortium on Law, Science & Health Policy.
State Regulation of Pharmacy Benefit Managers
| Key Points:
· ERISA preempts any state laws that “relate to” employee benefit plans. ERISA challenges have proven the most effective at striking down laws regulating PBMs. · Courts have issued inconsistent rulings about whether laws governing PBMs “relate to” and are therefore preempted by ERISA. · The First Circuit Court found ERISA did not preempt Maine’s 2003 PBM law, but the DC Circuit Court found that ERISA did preempt the same provisions in a D.C. law (mandating fiduciary duty for PBMs and disclosures over drug costs and PBM benefits). Further, the Eighth Circuit Court held that ERISA preempted certain MAC pricing regulations. · NASHP Model Law B, which contains some of these provisions, may be saved from ERISA preemption, because the law regulates insurers and implicitly excludes self-insured employee benefit plans. · Due to a limited number of court decisions and courts’ inconsistent application of ERISA, states should not hesitate to pass PBM laws as another court may differ significantly in its legal analysis. |
State Regulation of Pharmacy Benefit Managers
State policymakers face legal obstacles when seeking to regulate pharmacy benefits managers (PBMs), the biggest of which is the doctrine of ERISA preemption. Perhaps most troublesome, is that ERISA preemption is not settled law, and courts have been inconsistent in its application to PBM regulations. Nonetheless, detailed consideration of the five court rulings on ERISA preemption of PBM regulation provides guidance to states seeking to write laws that better withstand legal challenges. Furthermore, since most federal courts of appeals have not yet reached a conclusion on the matter, how courts in these circuits may rule is a matter of educated guesswork. As a result, states seeking to regulate PBMs may use the these rulings as guidelines for crafting new legislation and may find courts in their circuit apply a more measured approach to ERISA preemption. As a result, courts may determine that ERISA does not preempt similar state laws.
A. Review of State Statutes Regulating Pharmacy Benefit Managers (PBMs)[1]
PBMs are middlemen in the drug supply chain. On one end, PBMs negotiate with drug manufacturers to get rebates and discounts. On the other end, PBMs contract with health plans and pharmacies, determining how much health plans pay for drugs and how much PBMs reimburse pharmacies for dispensing drugs. As a result of their position in the market, PBMs have the opportunity to retain rebates or discounts rather than passing savings on to consumers. Consequently, the financial incentives and business practices of PBMs may inflate drug prices and stifle competition. In response, a significant number of states have increasingly considered and passed legislation to target PBM business practices and to reduce high drug prices. These state laws frequently impose five types of regulations: fair pharmacy auditing practices, prohibition of gag clauses, PBM licensure or registration requirements, anti-clawback regulations, and Maximum Allowable Cost (MAC) list regulations. More recently, states have introduced laws prohibiting spread pricing and requiring the pass through of rebates. As states seek to expand regulatory authority over PBMs, they should be aware that some PBM laws more directly targeting PBM business practices may be vulnerable to legal challenges, particularly ERISA preemption.
B. Primary Legal Challenge: ERISA
Nearly every state regulates PBMs in some way and the vast number of state PBM laws have not been challenged. Many of these laws, however, govern how PBMs interact with pharmacies (e.g. regulating fair pharmacy edits and timely updates of MAC lists) and do little to control the cost of drugs or ensure that PBMs act in the best interest of patients and plan sponsors. Nonetheless, laws that govern how PBMs set prices and act on behalf of insurers remain vulnerable to legal challenges and lobbying efforts, often brought by the Pharmaceutical Care Management Association (PCMA), the trade group for pharmacy benefit managers. To date, PCMA challenged five state laws regulating PBMs, and won three of those challenges.[2] While courts in Maine and North Dakota have declined to strike down PBM laws, courts in the District of Columbia, Iowa, and Arkansas have struck down PBM regulations, ranging from disclosure requirements to MAC pricing regulations. In all of these suits, PCMA’s most common and successful challenge to state laws regulating PBMs has been ERISA preemption.
1. The Doctrine of ERISA Preemption
ERISA expressly preempts any and all state laws that “relate to” any employee benefit plan.[3] Congress intended for ERISA to promote nationwide uniformity in employee benefit plan administration. To ensure the “broad scope Congress intended while avoiding the clause’s susceptibility to limitless application,” the U.S. Supreme Court created a test to determine whether ERISA preempts state law.[4] Nonetheless, despite more than twenty Supreme Court cases applying the test, the vagueness of the “relate to” provision has not been resolved, sparking a copious amount of litigation resulting in “countless questions about the scope of” ERISA preemption and “seemingly arbitrary and inconsistent answers.”[5]
The “relate to” question, however, does not apply to insurance laws because ERISA specifically saves from preemption any state laws regulating insurance. For a state law to regulate insurance, “the state law must be specifically directed toward entities engaged in insurance . . . [and] the state law must substantially affect the risk pooling arrangement between the insurer and the insured.”[6] The Supreme Court considered “laws regulating the terms of insurance contracts,” as laws regulating insurance.[7] As a result, ERISA will not preempt the application of state insurance laws to fully-insured employee benefit plans.[8] However, ERISA does not deem self-insured employer plans to be insurance, therefore ERISA will preempt the application of state insurance laws to self-insured employee benefit plans.[9] States seeking to regulate PBMs, therefore, must navigate the inconsistency and broadness of ERISA preemption, but may find lessons in prior court decisions that apply ERISA’s preemption test to PBM laws.
2. Application of ERISA Preemption to State Laws Regulating PBMs
While ERISA preemption has been the strongest challenge to state PBM laws, PCMA also alleged that state PBM laws violated the Dormant Commerce Clause, the Takings Clause, and others (Table 1). Federal district courts, however, have rejected nearly all types of claims except for ERISA preemption (Table 1). On appeal, the federal appellate courts struck down three of four state PBM laws solely or mainly on ERISA preemption (Table 2), making ERISA preemption the most common and most successful legal challenge against state PBM regulations.
TABLE 1: U.S. District Courts’ Response to State PBM Law Challenges
| Maine | D.C. | Iowa | Arkansas | North Dakota | |
| ERISA Preemption | X | X | ✓ | X | ✓ |
| Contract Clause (Art. I, Sec. 10) | ✓ | ||||
| Dormant Commerce Clause | ✓ | ✓ | ✓ | ||
| Medicare Part D Preemption | ✓ | ✓* | |||
| Takings (5th Amendment) | X | ✓ | |||
| Void for Vagueness | ✓ | ✓ |
✓ = State Law Withstood the Challenge
✓* = State Law Withstood the Challenge Except in One Instance
X = State Law Preempted or Struck Down
TABLE 2: U.S. Court of Appeals’ Acceptance of Challenges to State PBM Law
| Maine | D.C. | Iowa | Arkansas | |
| ERISA Preemption | ✓ | X* | X | X |
| Dormant Commerce Clause | ✓ | NR | ||
| Due Process | ✓ | |||
| FEHBA Preemption | ✓ | |||
| First Amendment | ✓ | |||
| Medicare Part D Preemption | ✓ | X | ||
| Takings (5th Amendment) | ✓ |
✓ = State Law Withstood the Challenge
X = State Law Preempted or Struck Down
X* = State Law Preempted or Struck Down, in part
NR = Not Reached by the Court
In all five cases, PCMA challenged the prior to or soon after implementation. In the first two cases, Pharmaceutical Care Management Association v. Rowe[10] and Pharmaceutical Care Management Association v. District of Columbia,[11] PCMA challenged nearly identical statutes[12] in Maine and District of Columbia with different outcomes (Table 3). Here, both the Maine and District of Columbia laws required that PBMs: 1) owe a fiduciary duty to the covered entity; 2) pass all payment or benefit received from manufacturers or based on volume of sales to the covered entity; and 3) disclose conflicts of interest, financial terms and arrangements between a PBM and drug manufacturer, and the costs of both the substituted and prescribed drug, if the substitute drug costs more. Yet, despite the laws’ similarities, the courts differed in its preemption analysis (Table 3).
TABLE 3: On Substantially Similar Laws, Courts Differ in its ERISA Preemption Analysis
| Maine | D.C. | |
| Fiduciary Duty to Covered Entity | ✓ | X |
| Disclose Conflict of Interest | ✓ | X |
| Disclose Costs of Both Drugs and Direct and Indirect Benefits Accrued by PBM | ✓ | X |
| Transfer Benefits or Payment Received to Covered Entity Related to Drug Substitution | ✓ | X |
| Disclose to Covered Entity All Financial and Utilization Information Requested by Covered Entity | ✓ | ✓ |
| Transfer Benefits or Payment Received to Covered Entity Based on Volume of Sales | ✓ | ✓ |
| Disclose All Financial Terms/Arrangements Between Manufacturer/Labeler | ✓ | ✓ |
✓ = Provision Upheld
X = Provision Struck Down
NC = Not Challenged by PCMA
In Rowe, the First Circuit held that ERISA did not preempt Maine’s PBM regulations, because PBMs did not exercise discretionary authority or control in the management and administration of the plan. The court found that PBMs performed purely ministerial duties and therefore were not ERISA fiduciaries and not among the “principal players in the ERISA scenario.”[13] Additionally, the court further reasoned that Maine’s PBM regulations did not restrict employee benefit plans from administrating their plans. Because the court interpreted ERISA to only preempt “state laws relating to acts performed by ERISA fiduciaries,” the court did not find Maine’s law preempted by ERISA.[14] In D.C., the D.C. Circuit held the exact opposite by concluding that laws regulating third party administrators of an ERISA plan “function[ed] as a regulation of an ERISA plan itself.”[15] There, the court held that the D.C. law regulated “a PBM’s administration of benefits on behalf of an employee benefit plan.”[16] In addition, the court found the administration of employee benefits an area of core ERISA concerns. These two findings were enough for the court to decide that ERISA preempted the D.C law. To seal the preemption case, the court observed that the PBM law would force employers to decide whether they would administer pharmaceutical benefits on their own or contract with a PBM to administer those benefits. The court further noted that because ERISA preempts any law that bound a plan administrator to a particular choice, much of the D.C. law was also preempted. However, the court found that ERISA did not preempt voluntary provisions, because these provisions either (a) allowed the PBM and the covered entity to waive that provision by contract, or (b) permitted disclosure only upon request of the covered entity.[17] The court held that opting out of a state law or negotiating a waiver did not affect plan administration and imposed no meaningful burden, allowing those voluntary provisions to stand.[18]
Many years later, PCMA challenged MAC pricing regulation in Iowa (in Pharmaceutical Care Management Association v. Gerhart)[19] and Arkansas (in Pharmaceutical Care Management Association v. Rutledge).[20] Specifically, Iowa’s §510B.8 required PBMs to: 1) submit to the insurance commissioner their pricing methodology for their MAC lists; 2) limit MAC lists to certain drugs; 3) disclose to pharmacies the source of the pricing data for MAC pricing; and 4) have an appeals process for pharmacists that will include retroactive payments if a MAC pricing has been applied incorrectly. Similarly, but distinctly, Arkansas’s Act 900, as challenged in Rutledge, mandated that PBMs: 1) reimburse pharmacies for generic drugs at a price equal to or higher than the pharmacies’ cost for the drug; 2) update their MAC lists at least seven days after a certain increase in acquisition costs; 3) allow pharmacies to reverse and re-bill each claim when a pharmacist cannot procure a drug at a cost that is equal to or less than the MAC price; and 4) allow pharmacies to decline to dispense if they will lose money on a transaction. Unlike Rowe and D.C., where similar laws were decided differently by different courts, in Gerhart and Rutledge similar laws were decided by the same court in the same way.
In Gerhart, the Eighth Circuit perplexingly found that the law’s explicit exclusion of self-insured employee benefit plans, which was written to avoid ERISA preemption, nonetheless created an impermissible “reference to” ERISA. As a result, the court held that ERISA preempted the law in question.[21] Additionally, the court found that Iowa’s law had an implicit “reference to” ERISA by regulating PBMs who administered benefits for a “covered entity,” which included health benefit plans, employers, and labor unions.[22] Because the court believed such entities were subject to ERISA, the court inexplicably concluded that the Iowa law “applies to only PBMs who administer prescription drug benefits for plans subject to ERISA regulation.”[23],[24]
Furthermore, the court in Gerhart found the regulation of PBMs affected ERISA benefits and thus ERISA plan administration. Specifically, the court found Iowa’s law interfered with nationally uniform plan administration. For example, the court viewed the provision that allowed pharmacies to appeal MAC reimbursement rates as restricting an administrator’s ability to control an ERISA plan’s drug benefits.[25] As a result, the Eighth Circuit held ERISA preempted the Iowa law.
In Rutledge, the Eighth Circuit, relying heavily on its decision on Gerhart, held that Arkansas’s and Iowa’s laws were “similar in purpose and effect,” and thus, ERISA preempted Arkansas’s law by the same reasoning in Gerhart.[26] As seen above, while both Arkansas and Iowa’s law regulated MAC pricing and MAC appeals processes for pharmacies, Arkansas’s law proved more extensive than Iowa’s law. Arkansas has since appealed the Eighth Circuit’s preemption decision to the Supreme Court. Thirty-two states and the District of Columbia have submitted a brief to the Supreme Court arguing that states should be able to regulate PBM conduct without the threat of ERISA preemption. As of August 4, 2019, the Supreme Court has not decided on whether to take up that appeal.
Seemingly emboldened with its successes in the Eighth Circuit, PCMA then sued North Dakota, also in the Eighth Circuit, over two bills regulating PBMs in Pharmaceutical Care Management Association v. Tufte.[27] Unlike Gerhart and Rutledge, the North Dakota bills would have regulated PBM conduct like PBM fee collection in relation to pharmacy performance, clawbacks, gag clauses, disclosures by pharmacies to plan sponsors, conflict of interest prohibitions, and disclosure of spread pricing to the payer. In Tufte, the U.S. District Court for the District of North Dakota rejected all but one of PCMA’s claims. The court observed that neither bill contained any provisions regarding ERISA matters such as “claimant eligibility determinations, the monitoring of funds for benefit payments, or the keeping of appropriate records for reporting requirements.”[28] Furthermore, similarly to Rowe, the court did not see how the bills would impose any requirements on ERISA plans or change the administration of ERISA plans. However, the district court found that Medicare Part D preempted the provision requiring disclosure of spread pricing practices, since federal standards already covered this area.[29] Nonetheless, the ruling did not preempt the entire law; it just prohibited its application to PBMs serving Medicare Part D plans, while still requiring other plans to disclose these spread pricing practices. While the district court rejected the ERISA preemption argument, PCMA appealed the district court ruling. Because of the Eighth Circuit’s prior decisions in Gerhart and Rutledge, it is probable that the Eighth Circuit will find that ERISA preempts the North Dakota bills.
C. Recommendations for State Laws Regulating PBMs
While PCMA has brought forth several challenges to PBM legislation, states should be most concerned with ERISA preemption. Only the First Circuit, D.C. Circuit, and the Eighth Circuit have ruled on challenges to PBM regulation and those decisions have been inconsistent. Pending the Rutledge appeal by the U.S. Supreme Court, ERISA preemption remains an unpredictable and uncertain area of law. Due to the limited number of cases and inconsistent application of ERISA preemption by the courts, states should not be intimidated by the Eighth Circuit decisions as another circuit court may differ in its view of ERISA preemption of PBM laws. If other states do not pass legislation, the rulings in the Eighth Circuit may remain the only, overly broad, interpretation of ERISA preemption of laws governing PBM practices.
Furthermore, careful crafting of PBM legislation should mitigate preemption. Specifically, states should not explicitly exclude ERISA plans, but instead include a provision stating that nothing in the law is intended to or should be construed to be in conflict with existing relevant law. Avoiding use of the word “ERISA” in the law should also avoid any misinterpretation of the “relate to” standard for ERISA preemption. Additionally, states may consider whether to allow employers or plan sponsors to opt out of provisions via contract. In District of Columbia, the court did not preempt certain sections of D.C.’s PBM regulation, because such provisions were “in essence voluntary” by allowing the covered entity to contract differently with a PBM over the usage back provision or have the PBM disclose only upon the request of the covered entity.[30] The court did not believe that negotiating a waiver would be considered an administration of benefits and therefore was not preempted by ERISA.[31] Therefore, if a state chose to require that a PBM act or disclose information to a plan sponsor and allowed a plan sponsor to waive that disclosure, the law should survive preemption.
On the other hand, states should feel more comfortable passing provisions to ban clawbacks, mandate licensure, and establish fair pharmacy audit procedures. Despite challenging North Dakota’s gag clauses and anti-clawbacks provisions in Tufte, PCMA praised and supported similar provisions in a 2019 New Jersey bill,[32] containing a ban on gag clauses and clawback provisions.[33] PCMA’s explicit support for such a bill suggests PCMA is unlikely to litigate these issues in other states. PCMA has never challenged PBM licensure/registration and fair pharmacy audit procedures, so states choosing to regulate these practices are unlikely to face legal challenges.
Finally, to minimize the risk of litigation, states may require insurers to contract with PBMs in specific ways rather than directly regulating the business practices of PBMs. Using this novel approach, the Maine legislature crafted L.D. 1504 to impose regulatory requirements on insurers (“carriers” in L.D. 1504) rather than on PBMs. Specifically, L.D. 1504 requires carriers to monitor and oversee PBMs to ensure the requirements of the act are met. Among many provisions, the carrier must include fiduciary duty, anti-clawback, and adequate network provisions in its contract with PBMs. Additionally, the carrier or the PBM under contract with a carrier must use a single MAC list, and only certain drugs can be on a MAC list as specified.
As discussed above, ERISA saves insurance law from preemption, so Maine’s law is also likely saved from ERISA preemption. The law regulates the business of insurance by imposing requirements on state-regulated insurance carriers, which includes fully insured employee benefit plans but, importantly, excludes self-insured employee benefit plans governed completely by ERISA. Because ERISA’s saving clause allows state insurance laws to regulate fully insured employee benefit plans governed by ERISA and because the regulation of carriers and the contracts of carriers would be considered a state insurance law, Maine’s law provides a novel path for states seeking to pass PBM regulations that likely avoid ERISA preemption.
To further assist states seeking to regulate PBMs, the National Academy for State Health Policy (NASHP) and the National Community Pharmacists Association (NCPA) with the National Conference of Insurance Legislators (NCIL) drafted versions of model PBM legislation. Table 1 in the Appendix provides a comparison of the three model laws. The NCPA/NCIL model law was intentionally written to sidestep any possible ERISA preemption challenges but, as a result, may have only minimal effects on drug prices. The NASHP model laws, in contrast, contain more comprehensive provisions and may be more likely to be challenged. Nonetheless, NASHP Model Law B has a low chance of preemption, because it is based on Maine’s L.D. 1504. Whether ERISA preempts a law is a matter for a court to decide, but NASHP Model Law B minimizes the risk of ERISA preemption by regulating the insurer and its contract with a PBM. States, seeking to further minimize the risk of ERISA preemption, could also pass a modified NASHP Model Law B that includes Maine’s definition of insurer, as described above, which implicitly excludes self-insured employee benefit plans fully governed by ERISA.
In conclusion, because courts have been inconsistent in their applications of ERISA, states should not be chilled from passing laws to more directly regulate the business conduct of PBMs. Nonetheless, states should be cognizant of potential legal challenges, in particular, ERISA preemption. States may craft legislation that avoids explicitly exempting ERISA plans and requires insurers to oversee conduct of any PBM with which they contract. Ultimately, states passing meaningful PBM regulations can use these suggestions but should also be prepared to defend these laws in court.[34]
[1] This survey relied on the following sources: Colleen Becker, States Regulating Pharmaceutical Benefit Managers, National Conference of State Legislatures (May 2019); Comparison of State Pharmacy Benefit Managers Laws, National Academy for State Health Policy, https://www.oldsite.nashp.org/comparison-state-pharmacy-benefit-managers-laws/ (last visited July 11, 2019); Janet Kaminski Leduc, State Laws Concerning Pharmacy Benefit Managers (Mar. 2018); National Community Pharmacists Association, PBM Regulation By State (Feb. 2018), https://www.ncpa.co/pdf/pbm-regulation-by-state.pdf; Pharmacists United for Truth and Transparency, State Regulations in Pharmacy Benefit Management (2013); Richard Cauchi, Colleen Becker & John Armstrong, 2018 Enacted State Laws Affecting Pharmacy Benefit Managers (PBMs) (Jan. 2019); and previous research last conducted in 2017.
[2] See Pharm. Care Mgmt. Ass’n v. Rowe, 429 F.3d 294 (1st Cir. 2005); Pharm. Care Mgmt. Ass’n v. D.C., 613 F.3d 179 (D.C. Cir. 2010); Pharm. Care Mgmt. Ass’n v. Gerhart, 852 F.3d 722 (8th Cir. 2017); Pharm. Care Mgmt. Ass’n v. Rutledge, 891 F.3d 1109 (8th Cir. 2018); Pharm. Care Mgmt. Ass’n v. Tufte, 326 F. Supp. 3d 873 (D.N.D. 2018).
[3] 29 U.S.C. § 1144(a).
[4] Gobeille v. Liberty Mut. Ins. Co., 136 S. Ct. 936, 943 (2016).
[5] Erwin Chemerinsky, Constitutional Law: Principles and Policies 421 (5th ed. 2015).
[6] Kentucky Ass’n of Health Plans, Inc. v. Miller, 538 U.S. 329, 341–42 (2003) (finding all willing provider laws are not preempted under ERISA, noting that “[n]either of Kentucky’s AWP statutes, by its terms, imposes any prohibitions or requirements on health-care providers”). However, the Court cautioned “a state law must be “specifically directed toward” the insurance industry in order to fall under ERISA’s saving clause; laws of general application that have some bearing on insurers do not qualify. . . § 1144(b)(2)(A) . . . saves laws that regulate insurance, not insurers. . . insurers must be regulated “with respect to their insurance practices.” Id. at 334.
[7] See Metro. Life Ins. Co. v. Massachusetts, 471 U.S. 724, 744 (1985). See also id. at 741 (stating that “[t]he insurers nonetheless argue that § 47B is in reality a health law that merely operates on insurance contracts to accomplish its end, and that it is not the kind of traditional insurance law intended to be saved by § 514(b)(2)(A). We find this argument unpersuasive”) (emphasis added). The Court here also disagreed that “laws that regulate the substantive terms of insurance contracts are recent innovations more properly seen as health laws rather than as insurance laws.” Id.
[8] 29 U.S.C §1144 (2)(A). See also Barry R. Furrow et. al., Health Law: Cases, Materials, and Problems at 425 (8th ed. 2018) (explaining that expression preemption is “subject to the ‘savings’ clause, which saves from preemption state insurance laws, including laws regulating health insurance. Because of the savings clause, state insurance laws apply to traditional, fully insured employee health plans”).
[9] 29 U.S.C §1144 (2)(B). See also Furrow et. al., supra note 8, at 425-26 (explaining “ERISA’s savings clause is subject to its own exception, the ‘deemer’ clause’” and that the Supreme Court “interpreted the deemer clause broadly to exempt self-funded ERISA plans entirely from state insurance regulation because such plans are not in business of insurance”).
[10] 429 F.3d 294 (1st Cir. 2005).
[11] 613 F.3d 179 (D.C. Cir. 2010).
[12] See District of Columbia, 613 F.3d at 186 (calling the Maine law “substantially identical” to the D.C. law).
[13] Rowe, 429 F.3d at 305.
[14] Id. at 301.
[15] District of Columbia, 613 F.3d at 188.
[16] Id. at 185.
[17] See id. at 186-87.
[18] Id. at 187.
[19] 852 F.3d 722 (8th Cir. 2017).
[20] 891 F.3d 1109 (8th Cir. 2018).
[21] The court understood a law to have a reference to ERISA if “the effect of a State law is to exclude some employee benefits plans from its coverage.” Gerhart, 852 F.3d at 729.
[22] Id.
[23] Gerhart, 852 F.3d at 730.
[24] Iowa’s definition of “covered entity” does not regulate only ERISA regulated plans. In fact, not all of the organizations defined under covered entity are regulated by ERISA, which the Gerhart court failed to recognize. For example, in Iowa’s law, covered entity was defined as “a nonprofit hospital or medical services corporation, health insurer, health benefit plan, or health maintenance organization; a health program administered by a department or the state in the capacity of provider of health coverage; or an employer, labor union, or other group of persons organized in the state that provides health coverage.” The law excluded “a self-funded health coverage plan that is exempt from state regulation pursuant to the federal Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (ERISA), as codified at 29 U.S.C. § 1001, et seq.; a plan issued for health coverage for federal employees; or a health plan that provides coverage only for accidental injury, specified disease, hospital indemnity, Medical supplemental, disability income, or long-term care, or other limited benefit health insurance policy or contract.”
[25] Gerhart, 852 F.3d at 731.
[26] Rutledge, 891 F.3d at 1112.
[27] 326 F.Supp.3d 873, 887 (2018).
[28] Id.
[29] See id. at 896.
[30] District of Columbia, 613 F.3d at 186-87.
[31] Id. at 187.
[32] The bill in question is S2690. Originally, the three New Jersey bills were S2690. A3993, and A2214. A2214 and A3993 were substituted by S2690 on June 20, 2019. On June 20, 2019, this bill passed both houses unanimously. As of August 4, 2019, the bill is awaiting the Governor’s signature.
[33] While the federal government has passed gag clauses for Medicare and private, commercial plans, states should continue to pursue gag clauses as the federal law does not cover state Medicaid programs. In doing so, states could close any loopholes the federal law left.
[34] In legal challenges, state attorneys general may be able to argue that PBMs are not an ERISA fiduciary or that the state law does not intrude upon ERISA administration. When convinced, courts, like in Rowe, can uphold all sorts of PBM regulations, but when unconvinced, courts, like in Gerhart, may strike down the law completely.
State Pharmaceutical Price Gouging Laws
| Key Points:
· In 2017, Maryland passed the only price gouging law in the country, but the Association for Accessible Medicines successfully argued that the law violated the Dormant Commerce Clause. · The Dormant Commerce Clause prohibits states from passing laws that discriminate against out-of-state commerce, unduly burden interstate commerce, or regulate commerce occurring outside the state. · In Association for Accessible Medicines v. Frosh, the Fourth Circuit held that Maryland’s price gouging law violated the Dormant Commerce Clause, because the Maryland law regulated the initial price of a drug between a manufacturer and a wholesaler, which typically occurs outside the state of Maryland and the law applied to any drug offered for sale in Maryland, not just those actually sold in the state. · Future price gouging laws should be written to apply only to drugs actually sold in a state or to in-state groups, but even these laws may still face challenges based on the Dormant Commerce Clause. Nonetheless, many legal scholars argue that the Fourth Circuit misunderstood the pharmaceutical industry when making their ruling, so courts in other circuits may find price gouging laws do not violate the Dormant Commerce Clause. · Alternatively, states could enact a Prescription Drug Affordability Review Board, which could identify drugs that pose an affordability challenge for a state and potentially impose an upper limit on payor reimbursements of a drug. |
State Pharmaceutical Price Gouging Laws
State policy makers seeking to prevent excessive price hikes or price gouging for pharmaceuticals also a face significant legal challenge. The second part of this brief examines Maryland’s price gouging law and how the Association for Accessible Medicine successfully argued that the law violated the Dormant Commerce Clause. While Dormant Commerce Clause jurisprudence is still evolving, Association for Accessible Medicines v. Frosh[1] provides insight on how states could formulate constitutionally sound price gouging laws.
A. Review of State Efforts to Enact Price Gouging Laws
In 2017, Maryland passed the first law prohibiting price gouging for essential off-patent or generic drugs,[2] allowing Maryland’s attorney general to bring a civil lawsuit against a manufacturer or wholesaler for “unjustified” and “unconscionable” price increases. The law did not set a threshold price or price increase that constituted price gouging. Instead, it defined an unconscionable increase as “excessive and not justified by the cost of producing the drug or appropriate expansion of access to the drug… and results in consumers for whom the drug has been prescribed having no meaningful choice about whether to purchase the drug at an excessive price”[3] and left discretion to Maryland’s attorney general and the courts.
Following Maryland’s example, sixteen other states considered price gouging prohibitions in 2018,[4] and seven states considered similar bills in 2019.[5] Nearly all of the bills have similar definitions of “unconscionable price increases,” but New York’s and Minnesota’s bills would have applied to all pharmaceuticals sold in the state (not just generics). To date, however, no other state legislature has passed a price gouging bill and the Maryland law, the only price gouging law to pass a state legislature, was never allowed to take effect.
B. Primary Legal Challenge: The Dormant Commerce Clause
The Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals invalidated Maryland’s price gouging law in Association for Accessible Medicines v. Frosh on the basis that the law violated the Dormant Commerce Clause.[6] The Commerce Clause is a provision of the U.S. Constitution that grants Congress the power to regulate commerce among the states. The Dormant Commerce Clause is a longstanding judicial interpretation of the Commerce Clause that prohibits states from passing laws that discriminate against out-of-state commerce, unduly burden interstate commerce, or regulate commerce occurring outside the state.[7] Specifically, “a State may not regulate commerce occurring wholly outside of its borders” either expressly or in “practical effect.”[8]
In Frosh, the Fourth Circuit sided with the Association for Accessible Medicines (AAM), the trade group representing the interests of manufacturers and wholesalers of generic pharmaceuticals, holding that the Maryland price gouging law violated the Dormant Commerce Clause by targeting conduct that occurs outside of Maryland. Specifically, the court gave four reasons for its holding. First, because the law applied to prescription drugs offered for sale in Maryland, Maryland’s law could apply to drugs never actually shipped to Maryland. Second, “the lawfulness of a price increase is measured according to the price the manufacturer or wholesaler charges in the initial sale of the drug,”[9] a transaction that typically takes place outside the state of Maryland. Third, the court held that the law prohibits prescription drug manufacturers “from charging an ‘unconscionable’ price in the initial sale of a drug [between the manufacturers and wholesalers] which occurs outside Maryland’s borders” and, therefore, went beyond merely having an upstream pricing impact on out-of-state commerce to become a price control statute on out-of-state commerce. Fourth, because the law targets wholesale rather than retail pricing, the court argued that the law could place an undue burden on interstate commerce and manufacturers, who would face conflicting state price gouging laws.
Maryland appealed the decision, but in February 2019, the Supreme Court denied the petition for certiorari, allowing the Fourth Circuit decision to stand. Yet, the Supreme Court often denies certiorari on issues that have not been raised in multiple appellate courts. If, in the future, another circuit should differ in the Fourth Circuit’s interpretation, the Supreme Court may be more likely to take on the matter to ensure federal uniformity. What is clear is that the Supreme Court’s refusal to hear the claim is not a direct condemnation of all price gouging laws and should not chill states from regulating price gouging.
C. Recommendations for States Laws Prohibiting Price Gouging
States seeking to pass laws prohibiting price gouging should understand that the “undue burden” standard and externality principle of the Dormant Commerce Clause are evolving judicial interpretations. Furthermore, legal scholars argue that the Fourth Circuit misunderstands the nature of the pharmaceutical industry.[10] Maryland’s law, they argue, may have a small impact on transactions that take place wholly out of state, but a law should not be thrown out for violating the principle of extraterritoriality if the law, both in intent and practical effect, governs in-state commerce. In fact, the Supreme Court upheld a Maine law requiring mandatory rebates from manufacturers to avoid prior authorization requirements in the state Medicaid program. The Court’s decision observed that “Maine does not insist that manufacturers sell their drugs to a wholesaler for a certain price. Similarly, Maine is not tying the price of its in-state product to out-of-state prices.”[11] In a Health Affairs Blog post, Darien Shanske and Jane Hovarth argue that similar reasoning should save price gouging laws targeting the wholesale acquisition cost (WAC), which is the manufacturer’s list price of a drug without rebates or other discounts.
Furthermore, Shanske and Hovarth also argue Maryland’s law does not place an undue burden on interstate commerce. Specifically, drug manufacturers already negotiate and track discounts with specific hospitals and health systems, and these negotiations affect financial transactions, such as between a manufacturer and a wholesaler, in other geographic areas. Because drug manufacturers already manage multiple pricing standards for drugs sold to different entities, ensuring that any increase in the WAC for drugs sold in Maryland is not unconscionable should not amount to an undue burden. Thus, Shanske and Hovarth argue “given the structure of the pharmaceuticals market, and particularly the market for the regulated products, the Maryland law would hardly impose a burden, much less an undue one.”[12]
State legislatures considering similar bills, therefore, could consider tweaking Maryland’s price gouging law to minimize allegations of unconstitutionality. Specifically, legislators can draft bills to ensure the law applies only to drugs actually sold in a state. For example, a draft of the Minnesota omnibus health and human services finance bill (H.B. 2414) prohibited price gouging for essential prescription drugs sold to: “. . . (i) consumers in Minnesota, (ii) the commissioner of human services for use in a Minnesota public health care, or (iii) a health plan company providing medical care to Minnesota consumers.”[13] Such language should resolve the Fourth Circuit’s first concern regarding the law’s applicability to drugs sold out of state. States may also consider tying price gouging to prices actually paid in the state rather than the federal WAC.[14]
States, however, may find it more difficult to address the other concerns raised by the Fourth Circuit, especially if they want to target manufacturers or base affordability on the WAC. Nonetheless, states may pass very similar legislation and, if challenged by AAM, may be successful in arguing that state price gouging laws are constitutionally valid using the arguments similar to those described above. Furthermore, many states have sued manufacturers for price gouging and other anticompetitive practices, which may be an alternate to additional legislation.[15]
States looking for an alternative approach to price gouging may choose to follow Maryland’s lead by limiting price increases using a cost-review board. In May 2019, the Maryland legislature passed H.B. 768, based on model legislation from NASHP, to create a Prescription Drug Affordability Review Board (PDARB), which can review the cost of a prescription drug and impose an upper limit on purchases and payor reimbursements for that drug. The upper limit only applies to the state government, the state Medicaid program, and state and local government health benefit plans. The review may be triggered by an increase in the WAC of $3000 or more in a 12-month period for a brand name drug or biologic or an increase of 200% or more in a 12-month period for a generic drug.[16] After the review process is triggered, the PDARB considers information from many sources including the manufacturer to “determine if the drug will produce or has produced challenges to the affordability of the drug for the state health care system.”[17] After additional review and approval by either the Legislative Policy Committee or the governor and the attorney general, the upper limit may additionally apply to anyone purchasing drugs in the state. While creating a PDARB resolves Dormant Commerce Clause concerns, states may need to argue that PDARBs do not violate patent law. For a more thorough discussion of these issues, policymakers may read NASHP’s legal brief, titled States’ Rights: A Patent Law Analysis of NASHP Rate-Setting Model Act.
In summary, states have a range of options when drafting price gouging laws. Limiting the scope of price gouging laws to drugs sold to in-state groups like state plans or state consumers will best mitigate Dormant Commerce Clause concerns. Furthermore, states may choose to tie price gouging to some state standard rather than the federal WAC. Nonetheless, states passing price gouging laws should be prepared to defend them in court.
[1] Ass’n for Accessible Medicines v. Frosh, 887 F.3d 664, 668 (4th Cir. 2018).
[2] Md. Code Ann., Health-Gen. §§ 2-801-803.
[3] Id. § 2-801(F).
[4] The sixteen states are: Colorado (SB 152), Illinois (HB 4900), Louisiana (HB 243 and HB 710), Massachusetts (S 652), Michigan (SB 900 / HB 5690), Minnesota (SF 2841/HF 3131), Mississippi (HB 137), New Hampshire (HB 1780), New Jersey (S 1590/A 3987), New York (A 5249/S 7028, A 5733/S 2544, A 7087/S 5262), Rhode Island (H 7022), Vermont (H 713), Virginia (SB 223), Washington (SB 5995/HB 255), and Wisconsin (SB 874/AB 1046).
[5] The seven states are: Indiana (SB 415), Illinois (HB 2882), Massachusetts (S 712), Minnesota (HB 2414 and SF 12 [1st Special Session] [law passed without price gouging provisions]), New Jersey (A 3987/S 1590 and S 4216/S 2630), New York (A 1452/S 2893, A 2621/ S 1642, A 3829/S 1798, and A 6606/S 141), and Virginia (SB 1308). Rhode Island (H 5095) and Tennessee (HB 885) considered pharmaceutical price gouging bans, but they would only apply if the governor declared a state of emergency. In that case, the unconscionable increase is defined as a gross disparity in average price before and after the emergency declaration.
[6] Frosh, 887 F.3d at 673-74.
[7] See Anna Zaret & Darien Shanske, The Dormant Commerce Clause: What Impact Does It Have on the Regulation of Pharmaceutical Costs? (Nov. 2017).
[8] Frosh, 887 F.3d at 668 (citing Star Scientific, Inc. v. Beales, 278 F.3d 339, 355 (4th Cir. 2002)).
[9] Id. at 671.
[10] Darien Shanske & Jane Horvath, Maryland’s Generic Drug Pricing Law Is Constitutional: A Recent Decision Misunderstands The Structure Of The Industry, Health Affairs Blog (Jun. 22, 2018), available at https://www.healthaffairs.org/do/10.1377/hblog20180621.752771/full/.
[11] Brannon P. Denning, Extraterritoriality and the Dormant Commerce Clause: A Doctrinal Post-Mortem, 73 La. L. Rev. 979 (2013) (citing Pharm. Research & Mfrs. of Am. v. Walsh, 538 U.S. 644, 669 (2003)).
[12] See Shanske & Hovarth, supra note 44.
[13] H.F. 2414, 91st Leg. (2019) (as posted on May 1, 2019).
[14] States seeking additional guidance on crafting price gouging legislation may consult an upcoming paper from Michelle Mello and Rebecca Wolitz entitled “Legal Strategies for Reining in ‘Unconscionable’ Prices for Prescription Drugs.” 114 Nw. U. L. Rev. (forthcoming 2020), available at https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3424300.
[15] See Connecticut, et. al., v. Teva Pharmaceuticals USA, Inc., et. al., No. 3:19-cv-00710 (D. Conn. May 10, 2019); In Re Generic Pharmaceuticals Pricing Antitrust Litigation, No. 2:16-md-02724 (E.D. Pa., May 29, 2019); Oregon v. Teva Pharmaceuticals USA, Inc., No. 3:19-cv-00657-KAD (D. Conn. April 30, 2019); State of Minnesota v. Sanofi-Aventis U.S. LLC, et al, No. 18-cv-14999 (D.N.J., Apr. 2, 2019).
[16] H.B. 768, 2019 Leg., Reg. Sess. (Md. 2019).
[17] Id.
State Mandated Disclosure of Drug Prices and Pricing Methods
| Key Points:
· Eight states require the manufacturer, PBM, or the insurer to report some pricing information to the state. · State laws that require public disclosure of the WAC or allow manufacturers to claim confidentiality of pricing information submitted to state agencies have not been challenged by industry. · The pharmaceutical industry challenged California and Nevada’s laws, arguing these laws violate federal trade secret laws, federal patent laws, and the Dormant Commerce Clause. Of these three, the federal trade secret law may pose the greatest threat. · States can minimize the threat of federal trade secret law by articulating how the public interest in price disclosure outweighs the need for trade secret protection. · To avoid the possibility of litigation, states can either declare that the information is not subject to public disclosure or allow manufacturers to limit disclosures to information already in the public domain.
|
State Mandated Disclosure of Drug Prices and Pricing Methods
In addition to laws regulating PBM practices and price gouging, states have also demonstrated significant interest in laws designed to increase the transparency of manufacturer pricing information. State drug transparency laws have faced legal challenges ranging from the Dormant Commerce Clause to federal trade secret law.
A. Review of State Efforts to Increase Transparency of Drug Prices
In the past three years, eight states passed laws requiring manufacturers to disclose how they price drugs (Table 4), and NASHP developed comprehensive model legislation to improve pharmaceutical price transparency.[1] Some states, including Vermont and Connecticut, only require disclosures for ten to fifteen drugs that either present affordability concerns for the state or are newly released specialty drugs. Other states require disclosures upon an increase in the WAC. These laws often require manufacturers to disclose their reasons for the price increases. In addition to the laws requiring information on how manufacturers price drugs, Louisiana requires quarterly disclosure of the current WAC for all drugs marketed in the state, and Colorado requires manufacturers to disclose the WAC and the names of at least three generic medications in the same therapeutic class when marketing a drug to prescribers. In general, most states, including Washington, and the NASHP model legislation require disclosures only to a state agency and allow the manufacturer to designate some of the information as confidential.
TABLE 4: State Drug Price Transparency Laws
| State | Year Passed | Who Reports | To Whom | ||
| Manufacturer | PBM | Insurer | |||
| California | 2017 | Yes | Yes | Purchasers get advance notice; Office of Statewide Health Planning and Development (OSHPD) | |
| Connecticut | 2018 | Yes | Yes | Yes | Manufacturers to Office of Health Strategy; PBMs and Insurers to Insurance Commissioner |
| Maine | 2019 | Yes | Yes | Already do | Maine Health Data Organization (MHDO) |
| Nevada | 2017 & 2019 | Yes | Yes | Nevada Department of Health and Human Services | |
| Oregon | 2018 & 2019 | Yes | Yes | Oregon Department of Consumer and Business Services | |
| Texas | 2019 | Yes | Yes | Yes | Executive Commissioner – WAC and price increase reports get publicly reported |
| Washington | 2019 | Yes | Yes | Yes | Washington Health Care Authority |
| Vermont | 2016 | Yes | Yes | Vermont Office of Attorney General AND Green Mountain Care Board (GMCB); but can submit redacted info to GMCB | |
B. Legal Hurdles: A Smorgasbord of Legal Challenges
Of the eight state laws with drug transparency provisions, the pharmaceutical industry only challenged the more sweeping provisions in the California and Nevada laws. State laws that require public disclosure of the WAC or allow manufacturers to claim confidentiality of pricing information submitted to state agencies have not been challenged by industry.[2] California’s law requires advance notice of price increases to purchasers, and Nevada’s law redefines trade secrets to allow public disclosure of pricing methodology and detailed accounting information for essential diabetes drugs with price increases above a threshold. In 2019, Nevada expanded the scope of their law to include essential asthma drugs.[3] The Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA) and Biotechnology Innovation Organization (BIO) filed lawsuits alleging the California and Nevada laws were invalid using a litany of legal theories.[4] The validity of any of these claims remains undetermined, since the case in California is ongoing and the Nevada case is settled. As a result, this section only discusses the most relevant legal claims: violation of federal trade secret laws, federal patent laws, and the Dormant Commerce Clause.
1. Federal Trade Secret Challenges
First, PhRMA and BIO alleged that the Nevada law conflicts with, and is therefore preempted by, the federal Defend Trade Secrets Act of 2016 (DTSA). As part of the transparency bill, the Nevada legislature revised state trade secret law to specifically exclude any information that the drug transparency law required to be disclosed. PhRMA and BIO claim that the DTSA provides a floor for trade secret protection, and because, under the new law, the state would publicly disclose information companies considered trade secrets, federal trade secret law preempted changes to the state trade secret law. The validity of this claim was not tested however, as PhRMA and BIO withdrew the lawsuit after the state agreed to a process by which manufacturers could request state regulators to keep disclosures confidential.[5] Consequently, whether other state laws requiring public disclosure of detailed pricing information would survive legal challenges remains uncertain.
Congress passed the DTSA to craft a cohesive federal intellectual property policy and explicitly stated that the DTSA does not preempt state trade secret law. [6] To date, no court has held that the DTSA preempts a state trade secret law. Furthermore, trade secret protection is not absolute. First, many state and federal freedom of information acts allow disclosure of trade secrets when such disclosure is in the public interest. For example, in O’Grady v. Superior Court, the California Sixth District Court of Appeal upheld a newspaper’s right to publish trade secrets, reasoning that while “trade secrets law reflects a judgment that providing legal protections for commercial secrets may provide a net public benefit. But the Legislature’s general recognition of a property-like right in such information cannot blind courts to the more fundamental judgment, embodied in the state and federal guarantees of expressional freedom, that free and open disclosure of ideas and information serves the public good. When two public interests collide, it is no answer to simply point to one and ignore the other. . . . [W]hatever is given to trade secrets law is taken away from the freedom of speech. In the abstract, at least, it seems plain that where both cannot be accommodated, it is the statutory quasi-property right that must give way, not the deeply rooted constitutional right to share and acquire information” [7] Further, prices disclosed to customers, even if not publicly made available, should not receive trade secret protection. In Applied Industrial Materials Corporation v. Brantjes, a federal district court held that the price a company paid a supplier and the price that a company charged a customer were not protected under Illinois’ trade secret law even though “no publications, newsletters, services or other sources . . . publish[ed] or made known the price of” the product.[8] The court observed that “price information which is disclosed by a business to any of its customers, unlike a unique formula used to calculate the price information which is not disclosed to business’s customers, does not constitute trade secret information.”[9] With that understanding, drug manufacturers may be hard pressed to claim trade secret protection for prices if drug manufacturers and wholesalers must provide the price to a customer.
Nonetheless, to remove the possibility of litigation, many states either declare that the information is not subject to public disclosure (e.g. Washington) or allow manufacturers to limit disclosures to information already in the public domain (e.g. Vermont). Providing such guarantees of confidentiality, however, may perpetuate the unfounded notion that prices are trade secrets. In addition, while pricing methodology may constitute a trade secret, laws that require public disclosure of the WAC (e.g. Texas and Louisiana) are unlikely to face trade secret challenges.
2. Federal Patent Law Challenges
Second, PhRMA alleged that Nevada’s transparency law conflicted with federal patent law, because it “burden[s] a patent holder’s right to price its product in a manner reflecting the economic incentives the federal patent laws are intended to ensure.”[10] PhRMA derives this claim from Biotechnology Industry Organization v. District of Columbia. There, the Federal Circuit struck down a Washington D.C. law based on a similar claim. The court held that the D.C. law prohibited the sale of patented drugs at an “excessive price,” because the “penalizing [of] high prices . . . limit[s] the full exercise of the exclusionary power that derives from a patent . . . [thereby] chang[ing] federal patent policy.”[11] While the decision in Biotechnology Industry Organization may hinder states’ attempts to set drug prices,[12] the extension of that decision to transparency laws is questionable. Unlike the D.C. law, the Nevada transparency law does not prevent manufacturers from selling drugs at any price. The law only requires manufacturers to disclose detailed financial information about an essential diabetes drug when a percent increase in the WAC exceeds a percent increase in the Consumer Price Index, Medical Care Component during the immediately preceding calendar year.[13] The allegation that these reporting requirements unduly burden a patent holder’s rights in a manner that diminishes a patent holder’s exclusionary power granted by federal patent law is dubious. Before the court could adjudicate the matter, however, PhRMA and BIO dropped the allegation and settled the lawsuit.
3. Dormant Commerce Clause Challenges
Finally, PhRMA alleged that both the Nevada and California price transparency laws violate the Dormant Commerce Clause, described in Part II. PhRMA and BIO alleged that Nevada’s requirement that a manufacturer submit detailed financial information if it increased the WAC above a threshold amounted to a penalty for price increases. They further alleged that tying the penalty to the WAC, a nationwide price, violated the Dormant Commerce Clause, because it affected the manufacturers’ ability to increase drug prices for drugs bought and sold entirely outside of Nevada.[14] Nevada’s law, however, places no restrictions on the prices charged for drugs, so it remains questionable if a court would find disclosures of information an “undue burden” on interstate commerce and, therefore, hold that such a law violates the Dormant Commerce Clause. PhRMA dropped this claim when settling the Nevada case and has not challenged any other transparency law, except for California’s S.B. 17.
In contrast to the other transparency laws, California’s law requires manufacturers to notify state purchasers 60 days before an increase in the WAC above a threshold.[15] PhRMA alleges that the law is essentially a price-certification statute. PhRMA’s argument relies on Brown-Forman Distillers Corporation v. New York State Liquor Authority, where the Supreme Court struck down New York law requiring liquor in New York be sold at the lowest price in the country, thereby regulating other states’ prices.[16] Analogizing Brown-Forman, PhRMA alleges that the law would prohibit manufacturers from raising the WAC, a national price, anywhere in the country until California had received 60-day notice. The U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of California has not yet ruled on this issue, so whether the court accepts PhRMA’s reasoning remains undetermined. States, seeking to avoid this legal challenge, could simply ask for current pricing information rather than advance notification of price increases.
C. Recommendations for State Drug Price Transparency Laws
Most states that passed legislation to mandate transparency from manufacturers have not been challenged by industry. PhRMA and BIO challenged two of the more comprehensive laws using a smorgasbord of legal theories, but no court has ruled on the validity of these claims. Examination of the legal challenges to state drug price transparency laws demonstrates that preemption by federal trade secret laws poses the largest threat to these state laws. Since no court has held that a drug transparency or state trade secret law is preempted by the DTSA, the magnitude of this challenge remains unknown. Specifically, while PhRMA or BIO appear likely to file a lawsuit alleging preemption by trade secret law, states seeking to promote the public interest can pose strong counter arguments to these allegations in court. States can minimize the threat of preemption by collecting only the data needed to fulfill policy goals and by articulating how the public interest in price disclosure outweighs the need for trade secret protection of this information.[17]
States and the public have numerous interests in the disclosure of pharmaceutical price information. For instance, states should be able to make strong arguments in favor of laws enabling them to disclose price information that allows prescribers and patients to choose the highest-value drug at the lowest price. While valuable to providers and the public, transparency laws implemented solely for the sake of transparency or to encourage shopping for cheaper drugs are unlikely to substantially reduce expenditures on drugs. On the other hand, state laws increasing drug price transparency can give policymakers important information to craft new policies to more effectively spend money on pharmaceuticals. To fulfill the goals of collecting data to assess potential policy interventions, states may find it sufficient to require disclosure of additional information to a state agency, which then releases aggregated or anonymized reports. Allowing state agencies access to confidential data may allow state policymakers to analyze the state prescription drug market without the risk of violating federal trade secret law. The state should tailor the disclosure provisions of drug price transparency laws to reflect the public interest served by the legislation.
To assist states in crafting such legislation, NASHP created model legislation mandating disclosures from manufacturers, PBMs, and wholesalers.[18] This legislation requires manufacturers to disclose detailed financial information and to justify price increases to a state agency when releasing a new specialty drug or increasing the WAC of an existing drug by more than 20% in twelve months. PBMs and wholesalers must also disclose the volume of drugs sold and any rebates or discounts to a state agency. To ameliorate any allegations of trade secret misappropriation or preemption by the DTSA, the NASHP model legislation requires the state agency to keep any disclosures confidential. While the state agency must issue a report on emerging trends in prescription drug prices, that report may not reveal information specific to any individual reporting entity. Since the law does not disclose any trade secret information, courts are unlikely to find that the DTSA preempts disclosure to a state agency. Agreeing to keep all information collected confidential, however, runs the risk of increasing the ability of manufacturers to argue trade secret protection for this information further hindering other transparency efforts. States may alternatively choose to exempt any information collected as part of these laws from public records requests, but also include a provision that allows a state agency to disclose that information when the agency makes a determination that the public interest outweighs the interest in protecting that information as a trade secret.[19] In considering this argument, courts may find persuasive the California Court of Appeal’s decision in O’Grady v. Superior Court, which held that the value of public disclosure of some information outweighed the value of trade secret protection.[20]
States passing transparency legislation may face legal challenges: most likely claiming violation of federal or state trade secret laws. Nonetheless, states have a strong chance of prevailing against these challenges by demonstrating that the disclosures are the minimum amount needed to promote an important public interest, including informing pharmaceutical treatment and purchasing decisions, understanding the state’s pharmaceutical market, and informing the design of policy interventions to mitigate affordability problems for state residents.
[1] Many of these laws also require disclosures from PBMs or insurers. As discussed in the first part of this issue brief, mandated disclosures by PBMs may be voided by ERISA preemption. However, states generally have the legal authority to require disclosures to the state insurance commissioner from insurance plans regulated by the state.
[2] See also Katherine L. Gudiksen, Samuel M. Chang & Jaime S. King, The Secret of Health Care Prices: Why Transparency Is in the Public Interest (Jul. 2019).
[3] S.B. 262, 80th Leg. (Nev. 2019).
[4] The legal theories include violation of federal trade secret laws, federal patent laws, the dormant commerce clause, the First Amendment (Free Speech), the Fifth Amendment (Due Process and Takings).
[5] Nev. Admin. Code §§ 439.730, 439.735, 439.740.
[6] Defend Trade Secrets Act of 2016, Pub. L. No. 114–153, 130 Stat. 376 (to be codified at 18 U.S.C. § 1836, et seq.) (2016). 18 U.S.C. § 1833(b) provides protection for “whistleblowers.” As long as the disclosures are filed under seal, this section protects individuals who disclose trade secrets to government officials, the individuals’ attorneys, or both, as part of a complaint or lawsuit alleging violation of a law or defensively when an employer claims that the individual has disclosed a trade secret.
[7] O’Grady v. Superior Court, 139 Cal. App. 4th 1423, 1475-76 (Cal. Ct. App. 2006).
[8] Applied Indus. Materials Corp. v. Brantjes, 891 F. Supp. 432, 434 (N.D. Ill. 1994).
[9] Id. at 438.
[10] Complaint at 2, Pharm. Research & Manufacturers of Am. v. Sandoval, 2017 WL 5158714 (D. Nev. Nov. 7, 2017) (No. 2:17-cv-02315).
[11] Biotechnology Indus. Org. v. District of Columbia, 496 F.3d 1362, 1374 (Fed. Cir. 2007).
[12] Beyond transparency laws, legal scholars also question whether the holding in Biotechnology Industry Organization should even apply to rate-setting legislation for pharmaceuticals. See Robin Feldman, et. al., States’ Rights: A Patent Law Analysis of NASHP Rate-Setting Model Act at 4-5 (Mar. 2018).
[13] The law also requires disclosures from essential diabetes drugs for which the WAC increased by twice the percentage increase in the Consumer Price Index, Medical Care Component during the immediately preceding 2 calendar years. S.B. 539, 79th Leg. (Nev. 2017).
[14] Complaint at 24, 38, 43, Pharm. Research & Manufacturers of Am. v. Sandoval, 2017 WL 5158714 (D. Nev. Nov. 7, 2017) (No. 2:17-cv-02315).
[15] S.B. 17, 2017-2018 Leg., Reg. Sess. (Cal. 2017) (stating that “[a] manufacturer of a prescription drug with a wholesale acquisition cost of more than forty dollars ($40) for a course of therapy shall notify each purchaser… if the increase in the wholesale acquisition cost of a prescription drug is more than 16 percent, including the proposed increase and the cumulative increases that occurred within the previous two calendar years prior to the current year.”)
[16] Brown-Forman Distillers Corp. v. N.Y. State Liquor Authority, 476 U.S. 573 (1986).
[17] Gudiksen et. al., supra note 52, at 10.
[18] National Academy for State Health Policy, Draft Drug Transparency Model Legislation (2019), available at https://www.oldsite.nashp.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/Revised-comprehensive-Model-Legislation-5.24.19.pdf
[19] See Gudiksen et. al., supra note 52.
[20] O’Grady, 139 Cal. App. 4th at 1475-76.
Conclusion
In this report, we have examined legal challenges to state laws governing pharmacy benefit managers, drug price transparency, and drug price-gouging. Trade groups, like PCMA, PhRMA, and BIO, have sought to stifle state efforts through court challenges. These groups brought forth a variety of legal claims ranging from ERISA preemption to violations of trade secret law and the Dormant Commerce Clause. While no one can predict how courts decide on these claims, states could reduce the risk of legal challenges by using previous court rulings to carefully draft around potential legal challenges. Courts are slowly evolving in their understanding of the pharmaceutical industry, and such evolution may shift to a jurisprudence more accepting of state health reform efforts. Until then, states should continue seeking innovative ways to rein in high drug prices.
APPENDIX A
APPENDIX A
TABLE A: Model Laws Differ in PBM Regulations
| NASHP-A | NASHP-B[1]
(L.D. 1504) |
NCPA/NCIL | |
| PBM Licensure | X | X | X |
| Anti-spread pricing | X | X** | |
| Prohibit or Disclose Any Conflicts of Interest | X | X^* | |
| Prohibit Gag Clause | X** | X | |
| Insurance Commissioner Allowed to Make PBM Regulation | X | ||
| Fiduciary Duty | X | X** | |
| Anti-clawback | X | X** | |
| Anti-steering to PBM-owned Pharmacies | X | ||
| Transparency Report Required | X | ||
| Network Adequacy | X** | ||
| MAC Pricing Regulation | X^+ | ||
| Use Compensation from Manufacturer or Labeler to PBM to Lower Premiums/Out of Pocket Costs | X^ | ||
| Health Insurer Must Retain All Pricing Data and Contracts | X** |
* Applicable only for pharmacy and therapeutics committee.
** The carrier is required to have this in its contract with a PBM and ensuring this requirement is met by the PBM.
^ This requirement must be met by either the carrier or the PBM under contract with a carrier.
+ In Model Law B, MAC pricing regulation includes (1) the use of a single MAC list; (2) which drugs can be on the MAC list; (3) disclose the sources of the MAC list; (4) provide a process for pharmacies to obtain the maximum allowable payment under the MAC list; (5) update the MAC list at least every 7 days; (6) provide an appeal process that allows pharmacists to rebill; (7) the use of AWP for a brand name drug without a generic; and (8) reimbursement between a pharmacy and a PBM.
[1] As updated on July 19, 2019.
*Katherine L. Gudiksen, PhD, Senior Health Policy Researcher, The Source on Healthcare Price and Competition at the University of California, Hastings College of Law;
Samuel Chang, JD, Health Policy Researcher, The Source on Healthcare Price and Competition at the University of California, Hastings College of Law;
Jamie S. King, JD, PhD, Professor, University of California, Hastings College of Law & Executive Editor, The Source on Healthcare Price & Competition at the University of California, Hastings College of Law
Acknowledgements:
The Center for State Rx Drug Pricing is a project of the National Academy for State Health Policy, an independent academy of state health policymakers working together to identify emerging issues, develop policy solutions, and improce state health policy and practice. This paper would not be possible without the generous funding from Arnold Ventures. To learn more about the Center, please contact Jennifer Reck at jreck@oldsite.nashp.org.
Notes:
[1] This survey relied on the following sources: Colleen Becker, States Regulating Pharmaceutical Benefit Managers, National Conference of State Legislatures (May 2019); Comparison of State Pharmacy Benefit Managers Laws, National Academy for State Health Policy, https://www.oldsite.nashp.org/comparison-state-pharmacy-benefit-managers-laws/ (last visited July 11, 2019); Janet Kaminski Leduc, State Laws Concerning Pharmacy Benefit Managers (Mar. 2018); National Community Pharmacists Association, PBM Regulation By State (Feb. 2018), https://www.ncpa.co/pdf/pbm-regulation-by-state.pdf; Pharmacists United for Truth and Transparency, State Regulations in Pharmacy Benefit Management (2013); Richard Cauchi, Colleen Becker & John Armstrong, 2018 Enacted State Laws Affecting Pharmacy Benefit Managers (PBMs) (Jan. 2019); and previous research last conducted in 2017.1] See Pharm. Care Mgmt. Ass’n v. Rowe, 429 F.3d 294 (1st Cir. 2005); Pharm. Care Mgmt. Ass’n v. D.C., 613 F.3d 179 (D.C. Cir. 2010); Pharm. Care Mgmt. Ass’n v. Gerhart, 852 F.3d 722 (8th Cir. 2017); Pharm. Care Mgmt. Ass’n v. Rutledge, 891 F.3d 1109 (8th Cir. 2018); Pharm. Care Mgmt. Ass’n v. Tufte, 326 F. Supp. 3d 873 (D.N.D. 2018).
[1] 29 U.S.C. § 1144(a).
[1] Gobeille v. Liberty Mut. Ins. Co., 136 S. Ct. 936, 943 (2016).
[1] Erwin Chemerinsky, Constitutional Law: Principles and Policies 421 (5th ed. 2015).
[1] Kentucky Ass’n of Health Plans, Inc. v. Miller, 538 U.S. 329, 341–42 (2003) (finding all willing provider laws are not preempted under ERISA, noting that “[n]either of Kentucky’s AWP statutes, by its terms, imposes any prohibitions or requirements on health-care providers”). However, the Court cautioned “a state law must be “specifically directed toward” the insurance industry in order to fall under ERISA’s saving clause; laws of general application that have some bearing on insurers do not qualify. . . § 1144(b)(2)(A) . . . saves laws that regulate insurance, not insurers. . . insurers must be regulated “with respect to their insurance practices.” Id. at 334.
[1] See Metro. Life Ins. Co. v. Massachusetts, 471 U.S. 724, 744 (1985). See also id. at 741 (stating that “[t]he insurers nonetheless argue that § 47B is in reality a health law that merely operates on insurance contracts to accomplish its end, and that it is not the kind of traditional insurance law intended to be saved by § 514(b)(2)(A). We find this argument unpersuasive”) (emphasis added). The Court here also disagreed that “laws that regulate the substantive terms of insurance contracts are recent innovations more properly seen as health laws rather than as insurance laws.” Id.
[1] 29 U.S.C §1144 (2)(A). See also Barry R. Furrow et. al., Health Law: Cases, Materials, and Problems at 425 (8th ed. 2018) (explaining that expression preemption is “subject to the ‘savings’ clause, which saves from preemption state insurance laws, including laws regulating health insurance. Because of the savings clause, state insurance laws apply to traditional, fully insured employee health plans”).
[1] 29 U.S.C §1144 (2)(B). See also Furrow et. al., supra note 8, at 425-26 (explaining “ERISA’s savings clause is subject to its own exception, the ‘deemer’ clause’” and that the Supreme Court “interpreted the deemer clause broadly to exempt self-funded ERISA plans entirely from state insurance regulation because such plans are not in business of insurance”).
[1] 429 F.3d 294 (1st Cir. 2005).
[1] 613 F.3d 179 (D.C. Cir. 2010).
[1] See District of Columbia, 613 F.3d at 186 (calling the Maine law “substantially identical” to the D.C. law).
[1] Rowe, 429 F.3d at 305.
[1] Id. at 301.
[1] District of Columbia, 613 F.3d at 188.
[1] Id. at 185.
[1] See id. at 186-87.
[1] Id. at 187.
[1] 852 F.3d 722 (8th Cir. 2017).
[1] 891 F.3d 1109 (8th Cir. 2018).
[1] The court understood a law to have a reference to ERISA if “the effect of a State law is to exclude some employee benefits plans from its coverage.” Gerhart, 852 F.3d at 729.
[1] Id.
[1] Gerhart, 852 F.3d at 730.
[1] Iowa’s definition of “covered entity” does not regulate only ERISA regulated plans. In fact, not all of the organizations defined under covered entity are regulated by ERISA, which the Gerhart court failed to recognize. For example, in Iowa’s law, covered entity was defined as “a nonprofit hospital or medical services corporation, health insurer, health benefit plan, or health maintenance organization; a health program administered by a department or the state in the capacity of provider of health coverage; or an employer, labor union, or other group of persons organized in the state that provides health coverage.” The law excluded “a self-funded health coverage plan that is exempt from state regulation pursuant to the federal Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 (ERISA), as codified at 29 U.S.C. § 1001, et seq.; a plan issued for health coverage for federal employees; or a health plan that provides coverage only for accidental injury, specified disease, hospital indemnity, Medical supplemental, disability income, or long-term care, or other limited benefit health insurance policy or contract.”
[1] Gerhart, 852 F.3d at 731.
[1] Rutledge, 891 F.3d at 1112.
[1] 326 F.Supp.3d 873, 887 (2018).
[1] Id.
[1] See id. at 896.
[1] District of Columbia, 613 F.3d at 186-87.
[1] Id. at 187.
[1] The bill in question is S2690. Originally, the three New Jersey bills were S2690. A3993, and A2214. A2214 and A3993 were substituted by S2690 on June 20, 2019. On June 20, 2019, this bill passed both houses unanimously. As of August 4, 2019, the bill is awaiting the Governor’s signature.
[1] While the federal government has passed gag clauses for Medicare and private, commercial plans, states should continue to pursue gag clauses as the federal law does not cover state Medicaid programs. In doing so, states could close any loopholes the federal law left.
[1] In legal challenges, state attorneys general may be able to argue that PBMs are not an ERISA fiduciary or that the state law does not intrude upon ERISA administration. When convinced, courts, like in Rowe, can uphold all sorts of PBM regulations, but when unconvinced, courts, like in Gerhart, may strike down the law completely.
[1] Ass’n for Accessible Medicines v. Frosh, 887 F.3d 664, 668 (4th Cir. 2018).
[1] Md. Code Ann., Health-Gen. §§ 2-801-803.
[1] Id. § 2-801(F).
[1] The sixteen states are: Colorado (SB 152), Illinois (HB 4900), Louisiana (HB 243 and HB 710), Massachusetts (S 652), Michigan (SB 900 / HB 5690), Minnesota (SF 2841/HF 3131), Mississippi (HB 137), New Hampshire (HB 1780), New Jersey (S 1590/A 3987), New York (A 5249/S 7028, A 5733/S 2544, A 7087/S 5262), Rhode Island (H 7022), Vermont (H 713), Virginia (SB 223), Washington (SB 5995/HB 255), and Wisconsin (SB 874/AB 1046).
[1] The seven states are: Indiana (SB 415), Illinois (HB 2882), Massachusetts (S 712), Minnesota (HB 2414 and SF 12 [1st Special Session] [law passed without price gouging provisions]), New Jersey (A 3987/S 1590 and S 4216/S 2630), New York (A 1452/S 2893, A 2621/ S 1642, A 3829/S 1798, and A 6606/S 141), and Virginia (SB 1308). Rhode Island (H 5095) and Tennessee (HB 885) considered pharmaceutical price gouging bans, but they would only apply if the governor declared a state of emergency. In that case, the unconscionable increase is defined as a gross disparity in average price before and after the emergency declaration.
[1] Frosh, 887 F.3d at 673-74.
[1] See Anna Zaret & Darien Shanske, The Dormant Commerce Clause: What Impact Does It Have on the Regulation of Pharmaceutical Costs? (Nov. 2017).
[1] Frosh, 887 F.3d at 668 (citing Star Scientific, Inc. v. Beales, 278 F.3d 339, 355 (4th Cir. 2002)).
[1] Id. at 671.
[1] Darien Shanske & Jane Horvath, Maryland’s Generic Drug Pricing Law Is Constitutional: A Recent Decision Misunderstands The Structure Of The Industry, Health Affairs Blog (Jun. 22, 2018), available at https://www.healthaffairs.org/do/10.1377/hblog20180621.752771/full/.
[1] Brannon P. Denning, Extraterritoriality and the Dormant Commerce Clause: A Doctrinal Post-Mortem, 73 La. L. Rev. 979 (2013) (citing Pharm. Research & Mfrs. of Am. v. Walsh, 538 U.S. 644, 669 (2003)).
[1] See Shanske & Hovarth, supra note 44.
[1] H.F. 2414, 91st Leg. (2019) (as posted on May 1, 2019).
[1] States seeking additional guidance on crafting price gouging legislation may consult an upcoming paper from Michelle Mello and Rebecca Wolitz entitled “Legal Strategies for Reining in ‘Unconscionable’ Prices for Prescription Drugs.” 114 Nw. U. L. Rev. (forthcoming 2020), available at https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3424300.
[1] See Connecticut, et. al., v. Teva Pharmaceuticals USA, Inc., et. al., No. 3:19-cv-00710 (D. Conn. May 10, 2019); In Re Generic Pharmaceuticals Pricing Antitrust Litigation, No. 2:16-md-02724 (E.D. Pa., May 29, 2019); Oregon v. Teva Pharmaceuticals USA, Inc., No. 3:19-cv-00657-KAD (D. Conn. April 30, 2019); State of Minnesota v. Sanofi-Aventis U.S. LLC, et al, No. 18-cv-14999 (D.N.J., Apr. 2, 2019).
[1] H.B. 768, 2019 Leg., Reg. Sess. (Md. 2019).
[1] Id.
[1] Many of these laws also require disclosures from PBMs or insurers. As discussed in the first part of this issue brief, mandated disclosures by PBMs may be voided by ERISA preemption. However, states generally have the legal authority to require disclosures to the state insurance commissioner from insurance plans regulated by the state.
[1] See also Katherine L. Gudiksen, Samuel M. Chang & Jaime S. King, The Secret of Health Care Prices: Why Transparency Is in the Public Interest (Jul. 2019).
[1] S.B. 262, 80th Leg. (Nev. 2019).
[1] The legal theories include violation of federal trade secret laws, federal patent laws, the dormant commerce clause, the First Amendment (Free Speech), the Fifth Amendment (Due Process and Takings).
[1] Nev. Admin. Code §§ 439.730, 439.735, 439.740.
[1] Defend Trade Secrets Act of 2016, Pub. L. No. 114–153, 130 Stat. 376 (to be codified at 18 U.S.C. § 1836, et seq.) (2016). 18 U.S.C. § 1833(b) provides protection for “whistleblowers.” As long as the disclosures are filed under seal, this section protects individuals who disclose trade secrets to government officials, the individuals’ attorneys, or both, as part of a complaint or lawsuit alleging violation of a law or defensively when an employer claims that the individual has disclosed a trade secret.
[1] O’Grady v. Superior Court, 139 Cal. App. 4th 1423, 1475-76 (Cal. Ct. App. 2006).
[1] Applied Indus. Materials Corp. v. Brantjes, 891 F. Supp. 432, 434 (N.D. Ill. 1994).
[1] Id. at 438.
[1] Complaint at 2, Pharm. Research & Manufacturers of Am. v. Sandoval, 2017 WL 5158714 (D. Nev. Nov. 7, 2017) (No. 2:17-cv-02315).
[1] Biotechnology Indus. Org. v. District of Columbia, 496 F.3d 1362, 1374 (Fed. Cir. 2007).
[1] Beyond transparency laws, legal scholars also question whether the holding in Biotechnology Industry Organization should even apply to rate-setting legislation for pharmaceuticals. See Robin Feldman, et. al., States’ Rights: A Patent Law Analysis of NASHP Rate-Setting Model Act at 4-5 (Mar. 2018).
[1] The law also requires disclosures from essential diabetes drugs for which the WAC increased by twice the percentage increase in the Consumer Price Index, Medical Care Component during the immediately preceding 2 calendar years. S.B. 539, 79th Leg. (Nev. 2017).
[1] Complaint at 24, 38, 43, Pharm. Research & Manufacturers of Am. v. Sandoval, 2017 WL 5158714 (D. Nev. Nov. 7, 2017) (No. 2:17-cv-02315).
[1] S.B. 17, 2017-2018 Leg., Reg. Sess. (Cal. 2017) (stating that “[a] manufacturer of a prescription drug with a wholesale acquisition cost of more than forty dollars ($40) for a course of therapy shall notify each purchaser… if the increase in the wholesale acquisition cost of a prescription drug is more than 16 percent, including the proposed increase and the cumulative increases that occurred within the previous two calendar years prior to the current year.”)
[1] Brown-Forman Distillers Corp. v. N.Y. State Liquor Authority, 476 U.S. 573 (1986).
[1] Gudiksen et. al., supra note 52, at 10.
[1] National Academy for State Health Policy, Draft Drug Transparency Model Legislation (2019), available at https://www.oldsite.nashp.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/Revised-comprehensive-Model-Legislation-5.24.19.pdf
[1] See Gudiksen et. al., supra note 52.
[1] O’Grady, 139 Cal. App. 4th at 1475-76.
[1] As updated on July 19, 2019.
*Katherine L. Gudiksen, PhD, Senior Health Policy Researcher, The Source on Healthcare Price and Competition at the University of California, Hastings College of Law;
Samuel Chang, JD, Health Policy Researcher, The Source on Healthcare Price and Competition at the University of California, Hastings College of Law;
Jamie S. King, JD, PhD, Professor, University of California, Hastings College of Law & Executive Editor, The Source on Healthcare Price & Competition at the University of California, Hastings College of Law
Acknowledgements:
The Center for State Rx Drug Pricing is a project of the National Academy for State Health Policy, an independent academy of state health policymakers working together to identify emerging issues, develop policy solutions, and improce state health policy and practice. This paper would not be possible without the generous funding from Arnold Ventures. To learn more about the Center, please contact Jennifer Reck at jreck@oldsite.nashp.org.
Acknowledgements:
The Center for State Rx Drug Pricing is a project of the National Academy for State Health Policy, an independent academy of state health policymakers working together to identify emerging issues, develop policy solutions, and improce state health policy and practice. This paper would not be possible without the generous funding from Arnold Ventures. To learn more about the Center, please contact Jennifer Reck at jreck@oldsite.nashp.org.
State Insurance Reforms Tackle Price Transparency, Rising Costs, and the Uninsured
/in Policy California, Connecticut, Nevada Blogs, Featured News Home Cost, Payment, and Delivery Reform, Eligibility and Enrollment, Essential Health Benefits, Health Coverage and Access, Health System Costs, State Insurance Marketplaces /by Christina CousartSeptember was a busy time for state insurance regulators as they worked to finalize rate filings and prepare for the upcoming health insurance open enrollment season. While initial filings indicate nominal increases to individual market premiums for the 2020 plan year, insurance costs are escalating for individuals and families who receive coverage through their employers.
Beyond monitoring rates, state regulators continue to take action to ensure that all consumers across their markets have access to affordable, high-value coverage. Below are a few notable updates from states:
California enacts bills to address cost transparency. During the last month of its legislative session, California enacted two new laws that require insurers to provide enhanced reporting on health costs and quality.
- AB 731 (Health Care Coverage: Rate Review) requires insurers, including large group health plans, to submit data to the state on medical use trends by geographic region and enhances requirements for plans to report data on spending compared to Medicare rates. The law will go into effect by July of 2021.
- AB 929 (California Health Benefit Exchange: Data Collection) mandates that insurers provide data to the health insurance marketplace so that it can evaluate progress toward lowering costs, improving quality, and reducing disparities in the state. The law also requires that the marketplace make data on costs, quality, and health disparities public.
Connecticut seeks to “redefine the health care dynamic” through state employee plans. The state comptroller recently issued a request for proposals for insurers to administer state health benefits. The request for proposal carves out a role for the state to act as an active participant in negotiations between insurers and providers on reimbursement rates, including access to full details about negotiated payments.
Nevada releases detailed report on its uninsured. Reports estimate that nearly 400,000 Nevadans are currently uninsured. Among the uninsured, nearly 22 percent are young adults, 60 percent are Latino, and 63 percent are employed. Nevada’s recently implemented state-based marketplace will use this detailed data to target outreach efforts for the upcoming open enrollment period.
The National Academy for State Health Policy will continue to track and report on these and other insurance initiatives as they unfold in the coming months.
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